Obama Israel Policy
----
Obama to AIPAC:
The speech comes the day after he secured enough delegates to clinch
the Democratic nomination. In these prepared remarks provided by his
campaign, Obama tries to allay doubts that some Jewish voters have
expressed about his candidacy.
It's great to see so many friends from across the country. I want to
congratulate Howard Friedman, David Victor and Howard Kohr on a
successful conference, and on the completion of a new headquarters
just a few blocks away.
Before I begin, I want to say that I know some provocative e-mails
have been circulating throughout Jewish communities across the
country. A few of you may have gotten them. They're filled with tall
tales and dire warnings about a certain candidate for president. And
all I want to say is — let me know if you see this guy named Barack
Obama, because he sounds pretty frightening.
But if anyone has been confused by these e-mails, I want you to know
that today I'll be speaking from my heart, and as a true friend of
Israel. And I know that when I visit with AIPAC, I am among friends.
Good friends. Friends who share my strong commitment to make sure that
the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable today,
tomorrow and forever.
One of the many things that I admire about AIPAC is that you fight for
this common cause from the bottom up. The lifeblood of AIPAC is here
in this room — grass-roots activists of all ages, from all parts of
the country, who come to Washington year after year to make your
voices heard. Nothing reflects the face of AIPAC more than the 1,200
students who have traveled here to make it clear to the world that the
bond between Israel and the United States is rooted in more than our
shared national interests — it's rooted in the shared values and
shared stories of our people. And as president, I will work with you
to ensure that this bond is strengthened.
I first became familiar with the story of Israel when I was 11 years
old. I learned of the long journey and steady determination of the
Jewish people to preserve their identity through faith, family and
culture. Year after year, century after century, Jews carried on their
traditions, and their dream of a homeland, in the face of impossible
odds.
The story made a powerful impression on me. I had grown up without a
sense of roots. My father was black; he was from Kenya, and he left us
when I was 2. My mother was white; she was from Kansas, and I'd moved
with her to Indonesia and then back to Hawaii. In many ways, I didn't
know where I came from. So I was drawn to the belief that you could
sustain a spiritual, emotional and cultural identity. And I deeply
understood the Zionist idea — that there is always a homeland at the
center of our story.
I also learned about the horror of the Holocaust, and the terrible
urgency it brought to the journey home to Israel. For much of my
childhood, I lived with my grandparents. My grandfather had served in
World War II, and so had my great-uncle. He was a Kansas boy who
probably never expected to see Europe — let alone the horrors that
awaited him there. And for months after he came home from Germany, he
remained in a state of shock, alone with the painful memories that
wouldn't leave his head.
You see, my great-uncle had been a part of the 89th Infantry Division
— the first Americans to reach a Nazi concentration camp. They
liberated Ohrdruf, part of Buchenwald, on an April day in 1945. The
horrors of that camp go beyond our capacity to imagine. Tens of
thousands died of hunger, torture, disease, or plain murder — part of
the Nazi killing machine that killed 6 million people.
When the Americans marched in, they discovered huge piles of dead
bodies and starving survivors. Gen. Eisenhower ordered Germans from
the nearby town to tour the camp, so they could see what was being
done in their name. He ordered American troops to tour the camp, so
they could see the evil they were fighting against. He invited
congressmen and journalists to bear witness. And he ordered that
photographs and films be made. Explaining his actions, Eisenhower said
that he wanted to produce "firsthand evidence of these things, if
ever, in the future, there develops a tendency to charge these
allegations merely to propaganda."
I saw some of those very images at Yad Vashem, and they never leave
you. And those images just hint at the stories that survivors of the
Shoah carried with them. Like Eisenhower, each of us bears witness to
anyone and everyone who would deny these unspeakable crimes, or ever
speak of repeating them. We must mean what we say when we speak the
words "never again."
It was just a few years after the liberation of the camps that David
Ben-Gurion declared the founding of the Jewish State of Israel. We
know that the establishment of Israel was just and necessary, rooted
in centuries of struggle and decades of patient work. But 60 years
later, we know that we cannot relent, we cannot yield, and as
president I will never compromise when it comes to Israel's security.
Not when there are still voices that deny the Holocaust. Not when
there are terrorist groups and political leaders committed to Israel's
destruction. Not when there are maps across the Middle East that don't
even acknowledge Israel's existence, and government-funded textbooks
filled with hatred toward Jews. Not when there are rockets raining
down on Sderot, and Israeli children have to take a deep breath and
summon uncommon courage every time they board a bus or walk to school.
I have long understood Israel's quest for peace and need for security.
But never more so than during my travels there two years ago. Flying
in an [Israeli Defense Forces] helicopter, I saw a narrow and
beautiful strip of land nestled against the Mediterranean. On the
ground, I met a family who saw their house destroyed by a Katyusha
rocket. I spoke to Israeli troops who faced daily threats as they
maintained security near the blue line. I talked to people who wanted
nothing more simple, or elusive, than a secure future for their
children.
I have been proud to be a part of a strong, bipartisan consensus that
has stood by Israel in the face of all threats. That is a commitment
that both John McCain and I share, because support for Israel in this
country goes beyond party. But part of our commitment must be speaking
up when Israel's security is at risk, and I don't think any of us can
be satisfied that America's recent foreign policy has made Israel more
secure.
Hamas now controls Gaza. Hezbollah has tightened its grip on southern
Lebanon, and is flexing its muscles in Beirut. Because of the war in
Iraq, Iran — which always posed a greater threat to Israel than Iraq —
is emboldened and poses the greatest strategic challenge to the United
States and Israel in the Middle East in a generation. Iraq is
unstable, and al-Qaida has stepped up its recruitment. Israel's quest
for peace with its neighbors has stalled, despite the heavy burdens
borne by the Israeli people. And America is more isolated in the
region, reducing our strength and jeopardizing Israel's safety.
The question is how to move forward. There are those who would
continue and intensify this failed status quo, ignoring eight years of
accumulated evidence that our foreign policy is dangerously flawed.
And then there are those who would lay all of the problems of the
Middle East at the doorstep of Israel and its supporters, as if the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the root of all trouble in the region.
These voices blame the Middle East's only democracy for the region's
extremism. They offer the false promise that abandoning a stalwart
ally is somehow the path to strength. It is not, it never has been,
and it never will be.
Our alliance is based on shared interests and shared values. Those who
threaten Israel threaten us. Israel has always faced these threats on
the front lines. And I will bring to the White House an unshakeable
commitment to Israel's security.
That starts with ensuring Israel's qualitative military advantage. I
will ensure that Israel can defend itself from any threat — from Gaza
to Tehran. Defense cooperation between the United States and Israel is
a model of success, and must be deepened. As president, I will
implement a Memorandum of Understanding that provides $30 billion in
assistance to Israel over the next decade — investments to Israel's
security that will not be tied to any other nation. First, we must
approve the foreign aid request for 2009. Going forward, we can
enhance our cooperation on missile defense. We should export military
equipment to our ally Israel under the same guidelines as NATO. And I
will always stand up for Israel's right to defend itself in the United
Nations and around the world.
Across the political spectrum, Israelis understand that real security
can only come through lasting peace. And that is why we — as friends
of Israel — must resolve to do all we can to help Israel and its
neighbors to achieve it. Because a secure, lasting peace is in
Israel's national interest. It is in America's national interest. And
it is in the interest of the Palestinian people and the Arab world. As
president, I will work to help Israel achieve the goal of two states,
a Jewish state of Israel and a Palestinian state, living side by side
in peace and security. And I won't wait until the waning days of my
presidency. I will take an active role, and make a personal commitment
to do all I can to advance the cause of peace from the start of my
administration.
The long road to peace requires Palestinian partners committed to
making the journey. We must isolate Hamas unless and until they
renounce terrorism, recognize Israel's right to exist, and abide by
past agreements. There is no room at the negotiating table for
terrorist organizations. That is why I opposed holding elections in
2006 with Hamas on the ballot. The Israelis and the Palestinian
Authority warned us at the time against holding these elections. But
this administration pressed ahead, and the result is a Gaza controlled
by Hamas, with rockets raining down on Israel.
The Palestinian people must understand that progress will not come
through the false prophets of extremism or the corrupt use of foreign
aid. The United States and the international community must stand by
Palestinians who are committed to cracking down on terror and carrying
the burden of peacemaking. I will strongly urge Arab governments to
take steps to normalize relations with Israel, and to fulfill their
responsibility to pressure extremists and provide real support for
President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. Egypt must cut off the
smuggling of weapons into Gaza. Israel can also advance the cause of
peace by taking appropriate steps — consistent with its security — to
ease the freedom of movement for Palestinians, improve economic
conditions in the West Bank, and to refrain from building new
settlements — as it agreed to with the Bush administration at
Annapolis.
Let me be clear. Israel's security is sacrosanct. It is non-
negotiable. The Palestinians need a state that is contiguous and
cohesive, and that allows them to prosper — but any agreement with the
Palestinian people must preserve Israel's identity as a Jewish state,
with secure, recognized and defensible borders. Jerusalem will remain
the capital of Israel, and it must remain undivided.
I have no illusions that this will be easy. It will require difficult
decisions on both sides. But Israel is strong enough to achieve peace,
if it has partners who are committed to the goal. Most Israelis and
Palestinians want peace, and we must strengthen their hand. The United
States must be a strong and consistent partner in this process — not
to force concessions, but to help committed partners avoid stalemate
and the kind of vacuums that are filled by violence. That's what I
commit to do as president of the United States.
The threats to Israel start close to home, but they don't end there.
Syria continues its support for terror and meddling in Lebanon. And
Syria has taken dangerous steps in pursuit of weapons of mass
destruction, which is why Israeli action was justified to end that
threat.
I also believe that the United States has a responsibility to support
Israel's efforts to renew peace talks with the Syrians. We must never
force Israel to the negotiating table, but neither should we ever
block negotiations when Israel's leaders decide that they may serve
Israeli interests. As president, I will do whatever I can to help
Israel succeed in these negotiations. And success will require the
full enforcement of Security Council Resolution 1701 in Lebanon, and a
stop to Syria's support for terror. It is time for this reckless
behavior to come to an end.
There is no greater threat to Israel — or to the peace and stability
of the region — than Iran. Now this audience is made up of both
Republicans and Democrats, and the enemies of Israel should have no
doubt that, regardless of party, Americans stand shoulder to shoulder
in our commitment to Israel's security. So while I don't want to
strike too partisan a note here today, I do want to address some
willful mischaracterizations of my positions.
The Iranian regime supports violent extremists and challenges us
across the region. It pursues a nuclear capability that could spark a
dangerous arms race and raise the prospect of a transfer of nuclear
know-how to terrorists. Its president denies the Holocaust and
threatens to wipe Israel off the map. The danger from Iran is grave,
it is real, and my goal will be to eliminate this threat.
But just as we are cleareyed about the threat, we must be clear about
the failure of today's policy. We knew, in 2002, that Iran supported
terrorism. We knew Iran had an illicit nuclear program. We knew Iran
posed a grave threat to Israel. But instead of pursuing a strategy to
address this threat, we ignored it and instead invaded and occupied
Iraq. When I opposed the war, I warned that it would fan the flames of
extremism in the Middle East. That is precisely what happened in Iran
— the hard-liners tightened their grip, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was
elected president in 2005. And the United States and Israel are less
secure.
I respect Sen. McCain, and look forward to a substantive debate with
him these next five months. But on this point, we have differed, and
we will differ. Sen. McCain refuses to understand or acknowledge the
failure of the policy that he would continue. He criticizes my
willingness to use strong diplomacy but offers only an alternate
reality — one where the war in Iraq has somehow put Iran on its heels.
The truth is the opposite. Iran has strengthened its position. Iran is
now enriching uranium and has reportedly stockpiled 150 kilos of low
enriched uranium. Its support for terrorism and threats toward Israel
have increased. Those are the facts, they cannot be denied, and I
refuse to continue a policy that has made the United States and Israel
less secure.
Sen. McCain offers a false choice: stay the course in Iraq, or cede
the region to Iran. I reject this logic because there is a better way.
Keeping all of our troops tied down indefinitely in Iraq is not the
way to weaken Iran — it is precisely what has strengthened it. It is a
policy for staying, not a plan for victory. I have proposed a
responsible, phased redeployment of our troops from Iraq. We will get
out as carefully as we were careless getting in. We will finally
pressure Iraq's leaders to take meaningful responsibility for their
own future.
We will also use all elements of American power to pressure Iran. I
will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from obtaining a
nuclear weapon. That starts with aggressive, principled diplomacy
without self-defeating preconditions, but with a cleareyed
understanding of our interests. We have no time to waste. We cannot
unconditionally rule out an approach that could prevent Iran from
obtaining a nuclear weapon. We have tried limited, piecemeal talks
while we outsource the sustained work to our European allies. It is
time for the United States to lead.
There will be careful preparation. We will open up lines of
communication, build an agenda, coordinate closely with our allies,
and evaluate the potential for progress. Contrary to the claims of
some, I have no interest in sitting down with our adversaries just for
the sake of talking. But as president of the United States, I would be
willing to lead tough and principled diplomacy with the appropriate
Iranian leader at a time and place of my choosing — if, and only if,
it can advance the interests of the United States.
Only recently have some come to think that diplomacy by definition
cannot be tough. They forget the example of Truman, and Kennedy and
Reagan. These presidents understood that diplomacy backed by real
leverage was a fundamental tool of statecraft. And it is time to once
again make American diplomacy a tool to succeed, not just a means of
containing failure. We will pursue this diplomacy with no illusions
about the Iranian regime. Instead, we will present a clear choice. If
you abandon your dangerous nuclear program, support for terror, and
threats to Israel, there will be meaningful incentives — including the
lifting of sanctions, and political and economic integration with the
international community. If you refuse, we will ratchet up the
pressure.
My presidency will strengthen our hand as we restore our standing. Our
willingness to pursue diplomacy will make it easier to mobilize others
to join our cause. If Iran fails to change course when presented with
this choice by the United States, it will be clear — to the people of
Iran, and to the world — that the Iranian regime is the author of its
own isolation. That will strengthen our hand with Russia and China as
we insist on stronger sanctions in the Security Council. And we should
work with Europe, Japan and the Gulf states to find every avenue
outside the U.N. to isolate the Iranian regime — from cutting off loan
guarantees and expanding financial sanctions, to banning the export of
refined petroleum to Iran, to boycotting firms associated with the
Iranian Revolutionary Guard, whose Quds force has rightly been labeled
a terrorist organization.
I was interested to see Sen. McCain propose divestment as a source of
leverage — not the bigoted divestment that has sought to punish
Israeli scientists and academics, but divestment targeted at the
Iranian regime. It's a good concept, but not a new one. I introduced
legislation over a year ago that would encourage states and the
private sector to divest from companies that do business in Iran. This
bill has bipartisan support, but for reasons that I'll let him
explain, Sen. McCain never signed on. Meanwhile, an anonymous senator
is blocking the bill. It is time to pass this into law so that we can
tighten the squeeze on the Iranian regime. We should also pursue other
unilateral sanctions that target Iranian banks and assets.
And we must free ourselves from the tyranny of oil. The price of a
barrel of oil is one of the most dangerous weapons in the world.
Petrodollars pay for weapons that kill American troops and Israeli
citizens. And the Bush administration's policies have driven up the
price of oil, while its energy policy has made us more dependent on
foreign oil and gas. It's time for the United States to take real
steps to end our addiction to oil. And we can join with Israel,
building on last year's U.S.-Israel Energy Cooperation Act, to deepen
our partnership in developing alternative sources of energy by
increasing scientific collaboration and joint research and
development. The surest way to increase our leverage in the long term
is to stop bankrolling the Iranian regime.
Finally, let there be no doubt: I will always keep the threat of
military action on the table to defend our security and our ally
Israel. Sometimes there are no alternatives to confrontation. But that
only makes diplomacy more important. If we must use military force, we
are more likely to succeed, and will have far greater support at home
and abroad, if we have exhausted our diplomatic efforts.
That is the change we need in our foreign policy. Change that restores
American power and influence. Change accompanied by a pledge that I
will make known to allies and adversaries alike: that America
maintains an unwavering friendship with Israel, and an unshakeable
commitment to its security.
As members of AIPAC, you have helped advance this bipartisan consensus
to support and defend our ally Israel. And I am sure that today on
Capitol Hill you will be meeting with members of Congress and
spreading the word. But we are here because of more than policy. We
are here because the values we hold dear are deeply embedded in the
story of Israel.
Just look at what Israel has accomplished in 60 years. From decades of
struggle and the terrible wake of the Holocaust, a nation was forged
to provide a home for Jews from all corners of the world — from Syria
to Ethiopia to the Soviet Union. In the face of constant threats,
Israel has triumphed. In the face of constant peril, Israel has
prospered. In a state of constant insecurity, Israel has maintained a
vibrant and open discourse, and a resilient commitment to the rule of
law.
As any Israeli will tell you, Israel is not a perfect place, but like
the United States it sets an example for all when it seeks a more
perfect future. These same qualities can be found among American Jews.
It is why so many Jewish Americans have stood by Israel, while
advancing the American story. Because there is a commitment embedded
in the Jewish faith and tradition: to freedom and fairness; to social
justice and equal opportunity. To tikkun olam — the obligation to
repair this world.
I will never forget that I would not be standing here today if it
weren't for that commitment. In the great social movements in our
country's history, Jewish and African Americans have stood shoulder to
shoulder. They took buses down south together. They marched together.
They bled together. And Jewish Americans like Andrew Goodman and
Michael Schwerner were willing to die alongside a black man — James
Chaney — on behalf of freedom and equality.
Their legacy is our inheritance. We must not allow the relationship
between Jews and African Americans to suffer. This is a bond that must
be strengthened. Together, we can rededicate ourselves to end
prejudice and combat hatred in all of its forms. Together, we can
renew our commitment to justice. Together, we can join our voices
together, and in doing so make even the mightiest of walls fall down.
That work must include our shared commitment to Israel. You and I know
that we must do more than stand still. Now is the time to be vigilant
in facing down every foe, just as we move forward in seeking a future
of peace for the children of Israel, and for all children. Now is the
time to stand by Israel as it writes the next chapter in its
extraordinary journey. Now is the time to join together in the work of
repairing this world.d.
On May 20, 2:12 pm, dick thompson <rhomp2...@earthlink.net> wrote:
> -------- Original Message --------
> Subject: Ed Koch Slams Obama Israel Policy, Threatens to Back GOP in 2012
> Date: Fri, 20 May 2011 18:47:45 GMT
> From: Newsmax.com <news...@reply.newsmax.com>
>
> Reply-To: news...@reply.newsmax.com
> To: rhomp2...@earthlink.com <rhomp2...@earthlink.com>
>
> Newsmax.com
>
> *Breaking from Newsmax.com*
>
> *Koch: Israel Facing 'Most Dangerous and Critical Period' Ever *
>
> Democratic senior statesman Ed Koch says Israel is facing its �most
> dangerous and critical period� and he is ready to break with his party
> in the next presidential election over President Barack Obama policies
> on the Middle East.
>
> In an exclusive interview with Newsmax.TV, the former New York City
> mayor said, "Mitt Romney correctly summed it up when he said that
> President Obama has once again thrown Israel under the bus."
>
> *Editor's Notes:*
>
> *The Healing Powers of Vinegar*
> <http://news.newsmax.com/?KK4D.iVx..-vlbcKBcYNVfOmkRrztfU1K&https://ww...>
>
> *Prostate Woes: Doctor Discovered Weird �Rogue Testosterone� *
> <http://news.newsmax.com/?KK4DaiV3Y--H3NcK6CMrVfJmGYlktfR1K&http://www...>
>
> He added, �I believe this is the most dangerous and critical period that
> Israel has ever faced and regrettably it does not have the support of
> the president of the United States, which in past difficult situations
> it could count on.�
>
> Koch, who crossed party lines to support President George W. Bush
> against John Kerry in 2004 due to his foreign policy stance, said he
> would do it again. All it would take is the right candidate.
>
> �I�m a Democrat. I support the Democratic domestic philosophy and
> policies and will always be supportive of them,� said Koch, mayor of
> America�s largest city from 1978-89. �But I have no hesitation in
> crossing party lines when I think America�s interests demand that I
> cross party lines.
>
> �I supported President Obama, believing he would be good on foreign
> policy, particularly with respect to the support of Israel. It turned
> out badly.�
>
> But 86-year-old Koch said that no �decent� Republican candidate has yet
> come forward � �their efforts to privatize Social Security and Medicare
> and Medicaid absolutely turn me off,� he said.
>
> �Now if a Republican candidate were to appear who was good on Medicare
> and Social Security and Medicaid and support of Israel, I wouldn�t
> hesitate to cross party lines.�
>
> Koch was speaking in the light of Obama�s Thursday speech on the Middle
> East in which the president called for a two-state solution to the
> Israel/Palestine gridlock with borders that were in place before 1967.
>
> Koch said he believes the president took the position because �he thinks
> it�s more important that America have the support of the Arab nations as
> opposed to the support of what we heretofore have said was our ally in
> the Mideast � the only democratic state there.�
>
> But he said he has doubts that the speech will affect the support that
> Jewish voters have traditionally given Democratic presidential candidates.
>
> �Regrettably the Jewish vote has been tied to the Democratic Party since
> FDR. No matter who�s running for president, many Jews think it�s still FDR.
>
> �That�s been harmful to the Jewish community supporting the State of
> Israel.�
>
> � Newsmax. All rights reserved.
>
> *Additional Links:*
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> *Suzanne Somers Discovered the Secret to Defeat Cancer *
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