• Feed RSS
There was an error in this gadget
0





"Debt Ceiling Analogy..........

http://whatbubbaknows.info/

I've heard quite a many descriptions of the current debt ceiling debate lately, using the old teenage dependent's credit card analogy. That analogy is not a bad one, I reckon, but it needs a little tweaking … in my opinion.

And my opinion is a good one. That also is my opinion.

The analogy goes like this:

 The Dhimmicrat Congress [I will interject that it is the Federal Reserve System that is at fault and that both major parties are equally responsible...], having reached the legal limit of it's spending capabilities and demanding a raise of the debt ceiling is like your teenage son maxxing out the credit card you gave him and now is asking for an increase in his credit limit. Since you've raised the limit so many times and he's maxxed it each and every time, you're getting a little peeved that he can't grasp the concept of limiting his purchases.

That's purdy close, but there's more to it.

Your son didn't just charge up the card, he managed to talk several of your neighbors into loaning him even more money to blow – more money than you will earn in a lifetime. And he fully expects to pay back those loans with his credit card.

 Those neighbors that he owes money to? They hate your guts.

Your son has been boarding outlaws and hoodlums in your basement. He's feeding them, clothing them and providing them entertainment, drugs and hookers. He's using your money to support these people, in your own home, that also hate your guts.

Your son has been buying expensive, custom-built guns and giving them to another set of your neighbors. These particular neighbors hate your guts, and have actually assaulted you personally in the past on multiple occasions. Now they have some really cool weaponry to use on you – that you paid for.

Your son has hired someone to control what you can and cannot eat.

 Your son has hired someone to control what you drive.

 Your son has hired someone to control what you listen to on the radio.

 Your son has hired someone to steal all your personal guns.

 Your son has hired someone to control all those other controllers.

 And each and every one of those controllers hate your guts.

Your son is now demanding that if you can't afford extra credit card payments, you get another job. Although your son has never had a job of his own and can't even spell the word, he's convinced that by spending more of your money he can create some jobs for you. You will be able to work for him. He'll pay you with your own money so you can afford to raise his credit card limit. Just to make sure that plan works smoothly he's also subsidizing a union for you to join as his employee. The union will make sure your son treats you right because you're paying them too. And of course, they're giving some of that money to your son for landing them the contract.

You are getting ready to kick the living crap out of your son.

There. That's a fine tuned analogy for ya.

Update

 Your job description as your son's employee is to think up new innovative ways your son can swindle you."

 

------ end of analogy -----

 

"It" is hitting the fan RIGHT NOW, boys and girls!  Too bad we haven't met and organized before now, isn't it? 

 







--
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum
 
* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls.
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.
0


YouTube Help Center | Change Email Preferences

SenatorRandPaul just uploaded a video:

Sen. Rand Paul won't support any budget plan that doesn't balance More

You can unsubscribe from notifications for this user by visiting My Subscriptions.

© 2011 YouTube, LLC
901 Cherry Ave, San Bruno, CA 94066

--
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum
 
* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls.
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.
0

The Collateral Is Us
by Richard Schwartzman, July 28, 2011

The witching hour is nigh and the threat of the U.S. defaulting on the federal debt is being bandied about as if it were the boogeyman.

Fear mongers from the left and right both say the country will go belly up unless the debt ceiling is raised by the Aug. 2 deadline, that it will no longer be able to pay on its $14.3 trillion debt or honor other financial obligations unless it goes further into debt by borrowing more money.

That's like a person maxing out on a credit card and taking out a second card to pay off the first. Most people know that doesn't work; it only gets worse. The same holds true for a country or any other entity that pretends addition is subtraction.

There are some in Washington, very few, who understand the simple truth. They also understand that there's no need to default even without borrowing more. What's needed is to prioritize spending. Make payments on the absolute necessities, including past loans, and cut back on the rest. That's the same thing a person or a family would have to do under similar circumstances.

The federal government takes in roughly $2.8 trillion per year in taxes. Yet, between the welfare state and the warfare state it spends $2.73 trillion, according to the Office of Management and Budget. And that amount is spent in only six areas: Social Security, national defense, Medicare, income security programs, Medicaid and SCHIP, and unemployment benefits.

Making matters worse is that the $2.73 trillion figure doesn't count interest or principle on the current debt or the fact that all other government spending ­ another $1 trillion or so to actually run the government ­ is based on borrowing.

Of the six areas mentioned, only defense spending is constitutionally authorized, but the Constitution doesn't authorize an imperial government. How much of Pentagon spending is for actual defense? Wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and Libya are not defensive wars. They're offensive ­ in more ways than one ­ and imperial in nature.

Also not authorized is a continued military presence in Germany, Japan, and Italy, countries we defeated in a war that ended 66 years ago. Our defense is not dependent on maintaining military forces in Thailand or South Korea either, or in having at least 700 military installations in an estimated 130 different countries.

It's not just military spending that's eating us alive. The welfare state is killing our finances, too. Even without the exorbitant military spending, those programs are not viable and money will ultimately run out for them. There's no great military spending in Greece, yet people there have been rioting because that government can no longer afford to pay the dole on which so many people are relying.

Spain, Portugal, Italy, and other European countries are rapidly approaching the status of Greece and the U.S. could easily follow suit.

Granted, the Greek debt is roughly 140 percent of its GDP while our debt is 96 percent of ours. Without spending cuts, even for those well-intentioned warm fuzzies, we risk economic collapse. Other empires have spent themselves to destruction ­ like Greece, Rome and ancient Israel. It's the citizens who wind up paying the price.

When an individual's debt exceeds 40 percent of his or her income, banks either stop lending to that person or begin to jack up the interest rate. The difference between a person and a government is that the individual can't arbitrarily increase his income, while a government can. The dirty truth is that when governments borrow, they borrow on their taxing authority, their ability to increase taxes, to give themselves a raise at the people's expense. They use the industry, creativity, and productivity of its citizens as collateral for loans. Our labor, our ability to earn is used to secure the loan. Our industriousness is treated as no more than chattel of the government class.

President Barack Obama made an interesting comment during his televised speech on July 25.

"We can't allow the American people to become collateral damage to Washington's political warfare," he said.

How ironic since he and the other statists, left and right, treat us as collateral for their loans.

Yet, raising taxes won't cut it now. They should actually be reduced with the immoral income tax abolished. But consider that there are 1,200 billionaires in the world with a total net value of $4.5 trillion. If the U.S. government confiscated all that wealth and applied it to the debt, the country would still owe $10 trillion. That was the debt when George Bush left office.

Big government types from both sides of the horizontal plane ­ the Harry Reids and the John Boehners ­ talk about cutting spending, reducing debt and waste, but their words, based on their acts, have about as much credibility as a fairy tale.

Their ideas of cuts are to simply not increase spending as much or as rapidly as they normally would, and even when there are actual cuts proposed, they come years after increased spending. Those cuts never come about anyway because there will be another Congress seated, a Congress with no obligation to follow what this Congress proposed.

Come Aug. 2, the Earth will continue to spin on its axis and people will work, rest, and eat, and the United States will still exist and still be in debt whether or not the debt limit is raised. It likely will be raised. That's what Republican and Democratic Party politicians do. They've been doing it for generations.

It's time to cut the spending, stop the borrowing, and pay off the existing debt so there's no fiscal sword hanging over the heads of the next generation.

http://www.fff.org/comment/com1107v.asp
0

In Defense of the Empire
by Bill Bonner
Daily Reckoning

Oh my, the young man accused of killing 93 people in Norway, isn't the man Homeland Security and the Pentagon hoped for.

But we'll come back to that…first the world of finance.

Republicans and Democrats are under pressure. They need to keep up appearances. Both sides want to make a debt deal – so as to give the impression that US authorities know what they are doing and are in control of the situation.

Undoubtedly, it will be like the European deal…too little and too late to make any real difference.

Meanwhile, stocks fell 43 points on the Dow on Friday; no big deal, in other words. Bonds went up – showing that investors aren't particularly concerned about the debt ceiling problem. And gold rose back over $1,600.

So, let's move on…back to the future of the US empire.

As an empire matures, every opportunity to expand becomes a matter of national defense. (In America, the word "empire" is never mentioned.)

Ever since 9/11 "defense" industries have been peddling the idea that Islamic terrorism is a threat to national security. Their spirits must have lifted when they first heard the news from Oslo over the weekend. Finally, after 6 years of relative quiet, here comes more evidence that there really are some Islamic terrorists!

But now we discover; he isn't an Islamic terrorist at all. He's a Christian terrorist; he thinks he's defending Christendom from the Islamic Threat.

Oh la la…the valiant knights of the military industrial complex now have Christian terrorists on the right…and Islamic terrorists on the left. Or vice versa.

But wait, their story was that they were defending the USA and its empire against Muslim bad guys who want to destroy it. Are they also defending the empire against Christian bad guys who want to protect it?

Ay yi yi…what a tangled web we weave…

"Bill, you're telling only a part of the story. I mean, the story of how America became an empire and what it means."

The speaker was a weekend visitor, from Washington, DC, a man active in conservative politics.

"First, winning the Cold War was the biggest setback of our lifetimes. There was probably nothing we could do about it, but it unleashed 3 billion people to compete against us.

"But then, the US was still in a position to protect itself. We were providing a protective umbrella to Europe and Japan. Basically, we guaranteed their safety…with our nuclear arms. We also guaranteed their access to oil.

"We did this without getting anything in return. When the Europeans proposed to put up an airplane company that could compete with Boeing, we were still in a position to stop it. But the US was told that unless it went along with the Airbus program, NATO would be a dead issue. NATO was the means for the US to project power in Europe. Rather than let the empire go, the US gave up much of its aircraft industry.

"Same thing in Japan…and now in China. In order to finance the empire's spending, the US had to give up its own manufacturing industry. That was the imperial bargain. 'We'll protect you and let you sell stuff to us…but you have to finance our empire.'"

"Are you saying the US shouldn't allow foreign cars or foreign-made planes to be sold in the US," we asked?

"No, I'm just saying that an empire is not a free market enterprise. It makes deals. The deals it made in Europe and Asia doomed its own manufacturers to failure and doomed its middle classes to poverty.

"All I'm saying is that this is part of the story of the empire. Yes, the zombies have taken over, as you put it. But it's really an empire story. That's the important part.

"It didn't matter who was in the White House, Republican or Democrat. Liberal or conservative. They all did the same thing. They followed the imperial agenda. There were stupid leaders, such as George W. Bush. And there were smart leaders, such as Barack Obama. The stupid ones liked sending troops to Iraq, for example, and sent them. The smart ones didn't like sending troops, but they sent them too. They all do the same thing. Because their real mission – whether they realize it or not – is to build out the empire.

"All of them do what they need to do. As you say, 'people come to think what they need to think when they need to think it.'

"And now the conservatives are faced with an historic choice. I've attended those Tea Party meetings and the meetings of CPAC, the conservative political action committees. There are two currents of thought.

"But first you have to understand what has happened in the conservative movement. The Tea Party has shaken things up. But it's just beginning. And the Tea Partiers don't quite know what they think. Their reactions are emotion, not well thought out. Not always coherent or logical.

"There are the principled, old conservatives – people like Ron Paul, who are consistently against expanding the power of government and consistently in favor of reducing the cost of it. And there are the new conservatives, much of the religious right, and the neo cons.

"Both groups say they are in favor of the same things – basically cutting big government down to size. But conservatives have to decide what this means. The obvious and fastest way to balance the federal budget is to renounce the imperial agenda. It costs about $1.2 trillion a year to maintain troops all over the globe, to run Homeland Security, participate in 3 wars…and all the other things that go into being an empire. Congress and the president could simply announce that they no longer believed the empire was a worthwhile project. Presto, the budget would be balanced. Problem solved.

"And I'm not talking about undermining national defense. I'm just talking about eliminating spending on things that actually make the nation less safe. That's what an empire does. By involving itself in everyone else's business, it makes enemies.

"I know a gal who lives part of the year in Morocco. She told me that she had a friend who is tall, with curly blond hair. Apparently, he's always getting attacked on the streets because people think he's an American.

"And it's no wonder. Bush didn't tell Americans the truth about the terrorists. They were over here because we were over there, not the other way around. I mean, we're not over there because they were over here.

"And when I talk about cutting the Pentagon budget and the costs of running an empire, I'm just talking about the part of the defense and other budgets that have nothing really to do with providing real security. They're just about imposing US authority on the rest of the world.

"There's always a trade off. It's either politics or markets. You see that in the business world too. There are people who want control. And there are people who are trying to provide a good service or product at a profit. The politicians in a business care more about controlling things. They'll ruin a business if you let them.

"Either you're letting people work out their own problems…between willing buyers and sellers. Or you're telling them what to do. Politics, especially, imperial politics is all about controlling the rest of the world.

"Trouble is, politics is expensive and unproductive. The more of it you have – either at home or abroad – the poorer you become…until you can no longer afford it. That's the situation we're in now. We're already way beyond the point of no return…the point where the debt depresses growth. It's only a matter of time before we can't go on.

"The real question is whether we do something about it now…bringing our spending in line with our ability to spend…or whether the market forces us to do it. As Ayn Rand said, you can ignore the market. But you can't avoid the consequences of ignoring the market. Now, we're facing the consequences.

"And what I'm proposing is to eliminate the deficit by renouncing the empire. Of course, this would come as a huge shock to the public. They thought the Pentagon was defending them from something. They don't even realize that we have an empire. They have no idea what it costs, what it means, or what might happen if we didn't have one. We've never had that debate. Woodrow Wilson launched the nation directly on the path of empire, but there was never any discussion of it. No debate in Congress was ever held. Instead, every time we went further and further away from real national defense – such as when Wilson sent troops in WWI – it was always justified in defense terms. Even then, we were supposedly 'making the world safe for democracy.'

"But that's just the way it works. Every empire transforms its own expansion into self defense measures. Germany invaded the Sudetenland, and then Poland largely to secure its own frontiers. Japan marched down Southeast Asia to secure its lifeline of resources. Britain conquered half the world to protect its manufactures….and Napoleon invaded Russia to remove the threat on the East.

"The US didn't have any real enemies – after the Soviet Union folded up – so it had to invent this whole terrorism thing. Now, we have our forces all over the Mideast and now North Africa, to protect the USA from terrorism. That's what they say.

"And here's the scary thing. In all the many examples of empires, none…not one…ever backed up. None ever renounced its imperial destiny. None ever thought better of it. Instead, they all went headlong…forward…until they finally got their butts kicked.

"Some people in the Tea Party…and even in the Republican Party…see what has happened. They understand how the nation has become addicted to cheap credit, cheap money, and to expensive imperial adventures. They are afraid that if they don't get control of it now, it will soon be too late.

"And my hope for the nation is that they will be successful. I believe there is hope. I think that if we can make the link clear – between the imperial, big spending, big credit, big government project…and the coming bankruptcy of the nation…we might be able to turn the country around.

"At best, it will be a close run. Because the military is about the only institution in America that people still trust. They don't trust Congress or the banks…or the political parties…or the rich…or the big corporations. And we have no national church, they might trust.

"So, when push comes to shove, the Tea Partiers – like everyone else – are likely to back the military and the empire. There seems to be a knee-jerk reaction; when you're faced with adversity, you back your military, no matter what they're doing. Even when it brings you close to extinction. I wouldn't be at all surprised to see the Tea Party get mixed up and hijacked by the neo-cons and the big-government imperialists in the conservative movement.

"Just the other day, I heard Rush Limbaugh make the argument. He said we should give the Pentagon our full support, because it was the only institution we can still believe in. A lot of Tea Partiers feel the same way. They don't make the connection between central planning, big budgets, unlimited credit and the big, imperial agenda.

"So, I know I might lose this fight. The Tea Partiers will probably choose the Empire over the Republic…they'll probably prefer politics to markets. They'll probably back the troops…and let the country go broke. But if I'm going to live in the United States of America I've got to take a stand…I've got to do something. And this is all I can do."


http://dailyreckoning.com/
0

Repudiation Is an Option
Thursday, July 28, 2011
by Paul Cwik

After much thought on this topic, I have decided that the best way to deal with the more than $14.3 trillion national debt is through partial repudiation. Why? It is not an easy story to tell without some context, but I will try my best to be clear.

Each year after my daughter's birthday in May, the family heads to the beach for a week of sun and sand. Of course one of the best ways to relax is by reading economics! (At least it is for me.) My choice this time was Murray Rothbard's A History of Money and Banking in the United States. I had just finished his four-volume Conceived in Liberty, which details the history of the colonial period through the Revolutionary War, so I thought that this would be a good complement. It was.

In Rothbard's History, there was a section that has stuck in my mind for the past several weeks. He detailed how, in the late 1830s and '40s, several states defaulted on their debt. (See pp. 102–3.) The upshot is that we do more damage to the economy by trying to pay off the debt.

When the government spends money, it necessarily distorts the economy. When the government buys good X, resources are drawn to the production of good X by the normal market process. The unseen aspect of this governmental action is that resources are drawn away from the production of good Y. In other words, if left alone, the market would produce more Y and less X. But the government distorts the economy; it places its thumb on one side of the scale, favoring one market player over another. Most often these political decisions make society worse off.

When government spends that money, the effects are immediate. However, this is only half of the story. The other half is centered on the source of that money. Government only has four ways by which to raise funds: taxes, borrowing, money creation, and the sale of assets.

Each of these is bad and further distorts the economy.

Government taxes are never market neutral. They always penalize one behavior and create an incentive to do something else. A sales tax penalizes spending and incentivizes savings. A gas tax penalizes driving and incentivizes telecommuting. An income tax penalizes earning an income and encourages slothfulness. And so on. Each tax imposed hinders the progress of the economy and ultimately reduces living standards. If we had to tax our way out of our national debt, we would have to tax almost 100 percent of GDP for a year. However, even this action would just barely get us out of today's hole. It does nothing for next year's budget deficit.

The second manner in which the government raises funds is through borrowing. It is impossible to borrow our way out of debt. It's like using a MasterCard to pay your Visa bill and then reversing it next month. Borrowing more is simply not an option.

The third method is money creation. The money that we use today is a fiat money, which is backed by nothing other than the "full faith and credit of the United States Government" (whatever that means). In other words, dollars are backed by nothing. When the Fed creates money, it pulls it out of a big, black hole of nothingness. Where did it come from? Nowhere. How much can it pull out? As much as it wants. There is an infinite supply available.

We could, if we wanted, pay off the national debt tomorrow. However, by doing so, $14.3 trillion dollars would be created and dumped into the economy. The dollar might suffer a slight problem of devaluation. (Yes, that was sarcasm. Prices would consequently skyrocket!) Furthermore, each newly created dollar has nonneutral effects that jam price signals, redistribute wealth to those with the new money, and sow the seeds of another business cycle. Since this approach is a de facto tax that is hidden from most people, this tends to be the method governments have historically chosen to get themselves out of their debt hole.

The fourth method government uses to raise money is the sale of assets. In the 19th century, the US government sold land in the American West and used that money to partially finance its activities. Today the US government has reversed its policy of selling assets and is instead acquiring land for various reasons (environmental, military, etc.). While selling assets has the most merit of the four in several aspects, it will not even be considered as a viable option because of this policy reversal. Furthermore, it just isn't big enough. A one-time sale cannot overcome a perpetual expenditure.

So that leaves us with a large dilemma. We have a government that cannot control its spending, and we have a national debt that cannot possibly be paid back without wrecking the economy. Even if we used a combination of tax increases, money creation, and asset sales, we wouldn't have enough to fix the mess. At each moment, there is only a finite amount of taxable wealth in the United States. If government extracts the wealth through money creation, it can't extract that same wealth with an additional tax.

The least harmful alternative is partial debt repudiation ­ in other words, defaulting on some of the debt. Think about what that means for a moment. (Really, take a moment and think about it.) We have spent so much that we cannot pay back our creditors. As I read in Rothbard's History, we have been in this position before. Here is how Rothbard reports Americans' reaction to public debt in the 1840s:

The British noted in wonder that the average American was far more concerned about his personal debts to other individuals and banks than about the debts of his state. In fact, the people were quite willing to have the states repudiate their debts outright. Demonstrating an astute perception of the reckless course the states had taken, the typical American response to the problem, "Suppose foreign capitalists did not lend any more to the states?" was the sharp retort, "Well who cares if they don't? We are now as a community heels over head in debt and can scarcely pay the interest." (p. 102)

The same can be said today. Should we really feel bad for those who have purchased government bonds? They are the ones who have been feeding the monstrously reckless actions of the government. When they get (partially) burned, will they be willing to finance more government debt? Of course not. Suppose the Chinese decide not to lend any more to the US government. Is this really so bad? The government would have to deal with its future overspending.

Fundamentally, there is the issue of justice. Some people loaned the government their money for a return. Why should they have assumed that there was zero risk? When I invest in any other venture, there is always default risk. Why should the creditor to the government get to live under different rules?

Furthermore, why should the average American be punished through higher taxes or a devalued currency for the politicians' inability to restrain spending? As Mises once pointed out, it is like hitting a pedestrian with your truck (the impact of the initial governmental spending) and then trying to undo the problem by putting the truck into reverse and running the guy over again. All to make it better! The economy was already distorted by the initial spending, and then the problem is compounded by funding the spending. Additionally, politicians spend these funds on projects designed to keep themselves in power. Even the programs wrapped in the cloak of magnanimity, like welfare and social security, are designed to make us dependent on the government and their reelection.

Rothbard's History demonstrates how the repudiations of the 1830s and '40s did not cause the sky to fall. In fact, the return to sound money coupled with a liberalization of the economy spurred a tremendous amount of growth. Rothbard explains:

It is evident, then, that the 1839–1843 [monetary] contraction was healthful for the economy in liquidating unsound investments, debts, and banks, including the pernicious Bank of the United States. But didn't the massive deflation have catastrophic effects ­ on production, trade, and employment, as we have been led to believe? In a fascinating analysis and comparison with the deflation of 1929–1933 a century later, Professor Temin shows that the percentage of deflation over the comparable four years (1839–1843 and 1929–1933) was almost the same. Yet the effects on real production of the two deflations were very different. Whereas in 1929–1933, real gross investment fell catastrophically by 91 percent, real consumption by 19 percent, and real GNP by 30 percent; in 1839–1843, investment fell by 23 percent, but real consumption increased by 21 percent and real GNP by 16 percent. (p. 103)

So how much should we repudiate? I don't know. The amount should be big enough to scare reality into the investors of US Treasuries (and hopefully politicians), but not too big that it wipes out the retirement funds of those looking for the "safe" investment. Perhaps the Treasury should declare that they will pay 80 cents on the dollar, but that just rolls the clock back a few years (back only to $11.4 trillion!).

The sad reality is that without fundamentally changing the way the government spends, there is no solution. The four largest expenditures made by the government are, from greatest to least, (1) Social Security, (2) Medicare and Medicaid, (3) defense, and (4) welfare. We can't really print our way out of the mess, because Social Security payments, etc., are indexed to the CPI. We can't grow our way out either, because they're also linked to growth rates.

So repudiation is not a complete solution. It is a part of an overall solution of (real) spending cuts, economic growth, and debt repudiation.

It is clear that we cannot continue on this path. Politicians are like water ­ they follow the path of least resistance. Politicians will try to avoid making a decision, and the longer they delay, the worse the problem becomes. The reality is that there are no more fixes to be done. We are out of financial gimmicks. The day of financial reckoning is upon us; maybe we can kick the can down the road another election or two, but be prepared for higher taxes, currency devaluation, and possibly debt repudiation.


Paul Cwik is associate professor of economics at Mount Olive College. See Paul Cwik's article archives.

http://mises.org/daily/5480/Repudiation-Is-an-Option

Ballpark Liturgy: America's New Civic Religion
Via TomDispatch comes this look at how pro sports play ball with the Pentagon.
By Andrew Bacevich | July 28, 2011

Fenway Park, Boston, July 4, 2011. On this warm summer day, the Red Sox will play the Toronto Blue Jays. First come pre-game festivities, especially tailored for the occasion. The ensuing spectacle ­ a carefully scripted encounter between the armed forces and society ­ expresses the distilled essence of present-day American patriotism. A masterpiece of contrived spontaneity, the event leaves spectators feeling good about their baseball team, about their military, and not least of all about themselves -- precisely as it was meant to do.

In this theatrical production, the Red Sox provide the stage, and the Pentagon the props. In military parlance, it is a joint operation. In front of a gigantic American flag draped over the left-field wall, an Air Force contingent, clad in blue, stands at attention. To carry a smaller version of the Stars and Stripes onto the playing field, the Navy provides a color guard in crisp summer whites. The United States Marine Corps kicks in with a choral ensemble that leads the singing of the national anthem. As the anthem's final notes sound, four U. S. Air Force F-15C Eagles scream overhead.  The sellout crowd roars its approval.

But there is more to come. "On this Independence Day," the voice of the Red Sox booms over the public address system, "we pay a debt of gratitude to the families whose sons and daughters are serving our country."  On this particular occasion the designated recipients of that gratitude are members of the Lydon family, hailing from Squantum, Massachusetts.  Young Bridget Lydon is a sailor ­ Aviation Ordnanceman Airman is her official title ­ serving aboard the carrier USS Ronald Reagan, currently deployed in support of the Afghanistan War, now in its 10th year.


From Out of Nowhere

The Lydons are Every Family, decked out for the Fourth. Garbed in random bits of Red Sox paraphernalia and Mardi Gras necklaces, they wear their shirts untucked and ball caps backwards. Neither sleek nor fancy, they are without pretension. Yet they exude good cheer. As they are ushered onto the field, their eagerness is palpable.  Like TV game show contestants, they know that this is their lucky day and they are keen to make the most of it.

As the Lydons gather near the pitcher's mound, the voice directs their attention to the 38-by-100-foot Jumbotron mounted above the centerfield bleachers.  On the screen, Bridget appears.  She is aboard ship, in duty uniform, posed below decks in front of an F/A-18 fighter jet.  Waiflike, but pert and confident, she looks directly into the camera, sending a "shout-out" to family and friends. She wishes she could join them at Fenway.

As if by magic, wish becomes fulfillment.  While the video clip is still running, Bridget herself, now in dress whites, emerges from behind the flag covering the leftfield wall. On the Jumbotron, in place of Bridget below decks, an image of Bridget marching smartly toward the infield appears. In the stands pandemonium erupts. After a moment of confusion, members of her family ­ surrounded by camera crews ­ rush to embrace their sailor, a reunion shared vicariously by the 38,000 fans in attendance along with many thousands more watching at home on the Red Sox television network.

Once the Lydons finish with hugs and kisses and the crowd settles down, Navy veteran Bridget (annual salary approximately $22,000) throws the ceremonial first pitch to aging Red Sox veteran Tim Wakefield (annual salary $2,000,000). More cheers. As a souvenir, Wakefield gives her the baseball along with his own hug. All smiles, Bridget and her family shout "Play Ball!" into a microphone. As they are escorted off the field and out of sight, the game begins.


Cheap Grace

What does this event signify?

For the Lydons, the day will no doubt long remain a happy memory. If they were to some degree manipulated ­ their utter and genuine astonishment at Bridget's seemingly miraculous appearance lending the occasion its emotional punch ­ they played their allotted roles without complaint and with considerable élan. However briefly, they stood in the spotlight, quasi-celebrities, all eyes trained on them, a contemporary version of the American dream fulfilled. And if offstage puppet-masters used Bridget herself, at least she got a visit home and a few days off -- no doubt a welcome break.

Yet this feel-good story was political as well as personal. As a collaboration between two well-heeled but image-conscious institutions, the Lydon reunion represented a small but not inconsequential public relations triumph. The Red Sox and the Navy had worked together to perform an act of kindness for a sailor and her loved ones. Both organizations came away looking good, not only because the event itself was so deftly executed, but because it showed that the large for-profit professional sports team and the even larger military bureaucracy both care about ordinary people. The message conveyed to fans/taxpayers could not be clearer: the corporate executives who run the Red Sox have a heart. So, too, do the admirals who run the Navy.

Better still, these benefits accrued at essentially no cost to the sponsors. The military personnel arrayed around Fenway showed up because they were told to do so. They are already "paid for," as are the F-15s, the pilots who fly them, and the ground crews that service them. As for whatever outlays the Red Sox may have made, they are trivial and easily absorbed. For the 2011 season, the average price of a ticket at Fenway Park had climbed to $52. A soft drink in a commemorative plastic cup runs you $5.50 and a beer $8. Then there is the television ad revenue, all contributing the previous year to corporate profits exceeding $58 million. A decade of war culminating in the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression hasn't done much good for the country but it has been strangely good for the Red Sox ­ and a no-less well funded Pentagon. Any money expended in bringing Bridget to Fenway and entertaining the Lydons had to be the baseball/military equivalent of pocket change.

And the holiday festivities at Fenway had another significance as well, one that extended beyond burnishing institutional reputations and boosting bottom lines. Here was America's civic religion made manifest.

In recent decades, an injunction to "support the troops" has emerged as a central tenet of that religion.  Since 9/11 this imperative has become, if anything, even more binding. Indeed, as citizens, Americans today acknowledge no higher obligation.

Fulfilling that obligation has posed a challenge, however. Rather than doing so concretely, Americans -- with a few honorable exceptions -- have settled for symbolism. With their pronounced aversion to collective service and sacrifice (an inclination indulged by leaders of both political parties), Americans resist any definition of civic duty that threatens to crimp lifestyles.

To stand in solidarity with those on whom the burden of service and sacrifice falls is about as far as they will go.  Expressions of solidarity affirm that the existing relationship between soldiers and society is consistent with democratic practice. By extension, so, too, is the distribution of prerogatives and responsibilities entailed by that relationship: a few fight, the rest applaud. Put simply, the message that citizens wish to convey to their soldiers is this: although choosing not to be with you, we are still for you (so long as being for you entails nothing on our part). Cheering for the troops, in effect, provides a convenient mechanism for voiding obligation and easing guilty consciences. 

In ways far more satisfying than displaying banners or bumper stickers, the Fenway Park Independence Day event provided a made-to-order opportunity for conscience easing. It did so in three ways. First, it brought members of Red Sox Nation into close proximity (even if not direct contact) with living, breathing members of the armed forces, figuratively closing any gap between the two. (In New England, where few active duty military installations remain, such encounters are increasingly infrequent.) Second, it manufactured one excuse after another to whistle and shout, whoop and holler, thereby allowing the assembled multitudes to express -- and to be seen expressing -- their affection and respect for the troops. Finally, it rewarded participants and witnesses alike with a sense of validation, the reunion of Bridget and her family, even if temporary, serving as a proxy for a much larger, if imaginary, reconciliation of the American military and the American people. That debt? Mark it paid in full.

The late German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer had a name for this unearned self-forgiveness and undeserved self-regard. He called it cheap grace. Were he alive today, Bonhoeffer might suggest that a taste for cheap grace, compounded by an appetite for false freedom, is leading Americans down the road to perdition.


Andrew J. Bacevich, the author of Washington Rules: America's Path to Permanent War, is professor of history and international relations at Boston University. His next book, of which this post is a small part, will assess the impact of a decade of war on American society and the United States military. To listen to Timothy MacBain's latest TomCast audio interview in which Bacevich discusses cheap grace and military spectacle, click here, or download it to your iPod here.

http://www.amconmag.com/blog/ballpark-liturgy-americas-new-civic-religion/
0

When Government Shuts Down
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
From The Free Market, December 1996.

According to official history, the 104th Congress doomed itself when it shut down the government to force its budget priorities on the president. People got up in arms and demanded that government be reopened. This taught the people and their representatives a valuable lesson. As much as we may complain, we truly need big government. Today, we all agree with the White House vow to never allow the government to shut down again.

Of course, everything about this story is nonsense. Shutting down the government was this Congress's most noble act. Though the freshmen, who forced the closing against the leadership's wishes, didn't properly prepare for the inevitable response from the media and the bureaucracy, they were on the right track. It may have been the only principled act in two years of political compromise.

Moreover, nobody has produced a shred of evidence that the government shutdown was as unpopular as the media claimed it was. It was asserted daily, but never proven. Oh sure, we heard about how people couldn't get passports, couldn't get into Yellowstone, couldn't see the Vermeer art exhibit at the National Gallery of Art. But what's most startling is that the central government – which consumes 40 percent of the national wealth – wasn't missed much at all.

There was a fiscal illusion at work. At issue was a budget authorization that entitled government to spend money before it was there to spend. But government could have reopened, and run based on present receipts. That way the budget would be immediately balanced. Everyone claims to want pay-as-you-go government, but nobody suggested this as an option. They acted as if debt finance is part of the natural law.

There is still more to learn about government during shutdowns. Consider what is known as the "Washington Monument Ploy." When budget cuts are threatened, visiting hours at popular monuments are cut back. A budget cut is voted by Congress, or an insufficient increase, and moments later an official-looking official asks the assembled tourists to please disperse. Thanks to those greedy Congressmen, we've been denied essential funds.

The media are there to record every word, and conduct interviews to be broadcast on national television. Average people tell the reporter, "my family and I came all the way from Sacramento, but because of political bickering, our vacation has been ruined," etc. The lesson is clear: Congress had better vote every dime the president demands or the People will strike back on prime time news. Sadly, this ploy works time and again.

Behind the scenes, the whole scenario has been orchestrated. There are very few things the federal government does that people directly benefit from. Among them are issuing passports, delivering the mail, running monuments and museums, and maintaining national parks. That's precisely why they take the hardest hit.

Now, in running the Washington Monument Ploy, the White House has to be careful not to cause it to backfire. For example, if the mail stopped being delivered, the public might revolt against the Post Office itself, and fuel demands that it be privatized. The trick is to shut down services that affect a minority conspicuously, in ways the media can dramatize, but not generate anger against government itself.

What's behind it all, of course, is the desire to keep the largess flowing, not to serve the public. If the feds wanted to serve the public, and Congress wasn't authorizing new spending, they could divert money from services people don't need ("Social Services for Refugees and Cuban/Haitian Entrants") to those they do need (passports). Even better, a truly beneficent leader would simply give away control of monuments and passport offices to private entities to run for profit.

Here's the irony. The services that people need most from government are the very ones that could easily be run privately. This follows by definition: if people want something, an entrepreneur is glad to make a profit providing it. On the other hand, the services people don't need shouldn't exist at all.

From a strategic standpoint, the government has the incentive to hold onto privatizable services like national parks because they are useful in times of government shutdown. It monopolizes some services just to keep the public from thinking they could get along without the government.

This is more than just a budget trick; it goes to the heart of nearly everything government does. Even at the local level, when budgets are cut, the first thing to get the axe are extended hours at the public library. Then the most popular periodicals themselves are canceled. Government, in its malice, gains more benefit from withholding useful services than providing them.

This is the very opposite of how private business operates. When a business has to cut costs, it looks for waste and inefficiencies, but it is loathe to cut consumer services. In fact, it might improve them if doing so is likely to bring in more revenue. Sticking it to the consumer would only create more losses and drive the company toward lower profitability.

With government sabotaging any attempt to cut its budget by cutting services people want, how can government budgets be successfully cut? There's no easy answer – ideally the person doing the cutting would have massive power over the bureaucracy – but here's the first step. All so-called essential government services should be privatized. That way government would no longer be seen as economically or socially essential.

Let's start with the Washington Monument. There's no excuse for not handing it over to a private company or association to run, just as Mount Vernon is run privately. Those who say it can't be done haven't noticed how many people visit that political temple every year.

But isn't this monument a public good that people should have full access to? Granted. That's why we need private enterprise, which always focuses on the public, to provide it. The same is true of the mails, national parks, passport offices, the Smithsonian, or any other good or service the government provides that people regard as necessary to their well being.

The advantage would be obvious. During the next government shut down – let's hope it comes soon and stays long – the bureaucracy would have fewer means of demonstrating that we really need them. They will be reduced to showing how awful it is that the Indian and Native American Employment and Training Program has been shut down.

All of this presumes that government has no other means to fund itself during emergencies. Unfortunately, that is not true. During the 1995 shutdown, Treasury head Robert Rubin conspired with other government-financial elites to run the government on money looted from civil-service pension accounts, although this is illegal.

Then the bureaucracy gave Congress a sock in the chops by forwarding unearned back pay to the entire government workforce. The whole shutdown ended up as a paid vacation for the most despised class in the country. If anything about the shutdown inspired public anger, it was this above all. Sadly, the opposition party took the blame, and then let bygones be bygones.

The lesson of the government shutdown is not that people want it to stay open, always and forever, but that the world doesn't fall apart when Uncle Sam takes the day off. Let's give him the next century or so, see how the people on their own can restore prosperity and liberty. With no taxes to pay, there'd be plenty left over to pay even exorbitant admission fees to the Washington Monument.

July 28, 2011
http://lewrockwell.com/rockwell/when-govt-shuts-down186.html
0

Wednesday, July 27, 2011
Shut Down the Postal Service
by Jacob G. Hornberger

The Postal Service has announced that it is closing 3,700 post offices across the country due to financial troubles.

I've got a better idea. How about closing the Postal Service itself and turning over the delivery of first-class mail entirely to the private sector?

After all, the Postal Service is a monopoly. That means the government has granted it an exclusive privilege to deliver first-class mail without fear of competition. Why should we have monopolies in a country that purports to be based on principles of free enterprise?

What happens if a private-sector business tries to compete against this monopolist? Postal Service officials immediately run to their nearest U.S. Attorney's office to complain. Some assistant U.S. Attorney then immediately runs to a federal judge, who immediately enters an injunction against the private-sector malefactor, requiring him to shut down his competitive effort.

That's how a monopoly works. The monopolist gets all the business and uses the force of government to shut down competitors.

Throughout history, people have been besieged by monopolies. And they've hated them. Knowing that they don't have to worry about competition, products and services provided by monopolies are always substandard and shoddy. And customers are made to feel like servants rather than as sovereigns.

What happens if a customer dislikes the service provided by some post office? He can't switch his business to a competitor because, again, competitors are not allowed. All he can do is switch his business to another branch of the postal monopoly. Big deal. It's the same organization.

What about people in the mountains? How would they get their mail if the Postal Service is dismantled and the postal monopoly repealed? Perhaps in the same way they get their milk and bread. When one decides to live in the mountains, there are costs associated with that decision. No one has a right to have mail delivered to his house any more than he has a right to have milk and bread delivered to his house.

The free market produces the best of everything, while government enterprises and government-granted monopolies produce the worst of everything. In a free market, the consumer is king and competitors must constantly seek to serve him better in order to keep his business. With government businesses and monopolies, the provider doesn't have to worry about losing anyone's business to competitors.

Monopolies have no business in American life. Our heritage is economic liberty, private property, free markets, free enterprise, competition, and consumer sovereignty.

Let's not limit the Postal Service's closures to 3,700 post offices. Let's shut down the whole thing, repeal the postal monopoly, and let freedom reign.

http://www.fff.org/blog/jghblog2011-07-28.asp
0

July28th
The Scam of the Budget Talks
Tom Woods

Writes Jeff Deist:

Federal revenues…were about $2.1T in FY10, and they appear on track to be about the same for FY11.  So assuming fedgov collects the same $2.1T in FY12, Congress simply needs to adopt the 2003 budget.  That's it.  That's all it takes to balance the budget in 2012.

Yet our Republican and Democrat friends want to take 10 years, or even 30 years, to accomplish this.

Was the federal government really too small just 8 years ago, in 2003?

Of course a balanced budget is no lofty goal.  The real focus should be total spending by government.

"We are fast approaching a condition in which everything that is not forbidden is required, even as Americans, acting for all the world like faux-patriotic zombies, continue to reassure themselves incessantly that 'it's a free country.'"

Contra Conventional Measures of the Growth of Government
Tuesday, July 26, 2011
by Robert Higgs
[Independent Review (2004)]

Many of us who believe that governments continue to grow relentlessly, at least in the economically advanced countries, have been criticized by analysts who claim that in fact the growth of government has petered out or slowed substantially. The latter group perceives us to be needlessly alarmed and faults us for a failure to acknowledge the decisive turn of events associated with the so-called Reagan and Thatcher revolutions of the 1980s. Not to worry, they exhort us; the statists are on the run, and a brave new world of market-oriented liberalism shimmers on the horizon.

My thesis here is that these seemingly levelheaded realists are the ones who have failed to perceive correctly the ongoing growth of government.[1] A major reason for their failure is their reliance on certain conventional measures of the size and growth of government. Some of these measures have a built-in tendency to exhibit deceleration even when a more compelling representation displays continuing steady growth. Often the conventional measures miss the growth of government because it has been diverted into channels beyond the scope of their measurement.

To some extent, governments have been growing in important but unmeasured or poorly measured ways all along, and they continue to grow in these ways, perhaps more menacingly than ever before. Off-budget spending, for example, is a well-known resort of political scoundrels, but it is only one example among many of how governments employ hard-to-measure means to achieve their usual ends, especially when tax revolts, formal spending limits, or borrowing limitations frustrate their chronic desire to spend at a greater rate.


Government's Share of Gross Domestic Product

The most common measure of the size of government is the amount of government spending relative to gross domestic product (GDP). In a recent monograph on the growth of government, for example, Vito Tanzi and Ludger Schuknecht present much of their data in the form of government-spending variables relative to GDP. A major theme of their book is "Government spending [measured in this way] increased most rapidly until about 1980. Since the early 1980s, it has been growing more slowly and in some instances has even declined" (p. 3).

Now, the first thing to notice is that a surefire way to make nearly any economic magnitude appear small is to divide it by GDP, because the latter, which purports to be the total value at market prices of all final goods and services produced within a country in a year, is always an enormous dollar (or euro or peso or other currency unit) amount. Government spending of $2,855,200,000,000, as in the United States in fiscal year 2001, seems to be an astronomical amount, but just divide it by the value of GDP and, voilà, it is a mere 28 percent ­ surely nothing to be alarmed about, especially in comparison with corresponding figures for many European countries that exceed 50 percent.[2]

The next thing to notice is that because government spending for currently produced final goods and services is itself a component of GDP, the ratio of the former to the latter is immediately compromised. Any addition to such government spending increases the denominator as well as the numerator of the ratio. Suppose that in year one the government spends $100 dollars for currently produced final goods and services, and the GDP in that year is $500. Now suppose that in year two the government spends twice as much -- that is, it increases its purchase amount by 100 percent -- but nothing else changes. In year two, the government's share of GDP will be 33.33 percent (or $200/$600), as compared to 20 percent in year one. An analyst focusing on the government's spending share concludes, then, that government has grown not by 100 percent, as it plainly has by construction, but only by 66.66 percent (that is, [(33.33/20) 1] × 100). The greater the government's initial share is, the greater is the bias in moving from its absolute spending to the share concept to measure its growth. If government had begun with spending of $100 out of a GDP of $200, then doubled its purchase amount, other things being unchanged, it would have increased its spending share from 50 percent to 66.66 percent ­ a mere 33.33 percent growth.

Granted, many economically advanced countries have maintained a fairly steady government "exhaustive" share of GDP during the past couple decades, but this steadiness merely attests that the government's purchases of currently produced final goods and services have grown fully as fast as the sum of nongovernmental purchases of such goods and services during that period of substantial economic expansion, not that the government has become quiescent or stuck in the mud.

In the United States, for example, the total government share of GDP was 22.1 percent in 1975 and 17.6 percent in 1999. Lest one think that government had run out of steam during that quarter century, however, one ought to notice that government increased its purchases of currently produced final goods and services from $361.1 billion in 1975 to $1,634.4 billion in 1999 ­ which is to say, it increased the annual rate of such spending by $1,273.3 billion during that period (US Council of Economic Advisers 2001, pp. 274–75). To be sure, inflation accounts for some of that increase, but even in constant (1996) dollars, the increase was from $942.5 billion to $1,536.1 billion, or 63 percent ­ hardly a retrenchment. Population growth cannot justify the increased spending because the US population grew by just 26 percent during the period (US Council of Economic Advisors 2001, p. 315).

Of course, the really gigantic increases in government spending have most recently taken the form of transfers (including subsidies), which are not components of GDP and therefore do not give rise to exactly the same numerator-denominator bias that arises when government increases its purchases of currently produced final goods and services ("exhaustive" spending).

Transfer spending also, however, is commonly placed for purposes of analysis in relation to GDP, which then serves as a sort of "normalizer" or standard of comparison, and whenever this ratio is used, some of the same problems identified earlier arise again. Why, one might ask, should government's transfer spending be placed in a ratio to GDP rather than, say, in a ratio to population or some other base? And if the ratio to GDP remains constant, why, one might ask, should such constancy prevail?

That is, why should government's transfer spending increase whenever the economy's output of final goods and services increases? Indeed, such constancy would seem to betoken a kind of relative growth of government in its own right, inasmuch as people in a more productive economy presumably can get by more readily without government assistance; hence, as a rule, the ratio of transfers to GDP might be expected to fall in a growing economy rather than rise or even remain constant.

However this matter might be viewed, in reality the ratio has risen enormously in all the economically advanced countries during the past several decades, and it now stands at more than 20 percent on average for a group of 17 important industrial countries studied by Tanzi and Schuknecht, up from less than 10 percent as recently as 1960 (2000, p. 31).[3]

Increasingly, transfer spending is becoming recognized as the Godzilla that threatens to consume New York, Tokyo, Berlin, and nearly every other city on the planet. A few countries, such as Chile, have taken effective measures to deal with this looming threat to government fiscal viability, but so far most politicians in most countries have kept their heads planted firmly in the sand, ignoring everything beyond the next election, while the government's transfer spending has grown ever more bloated, and the severity of the adjustments that will have to be made -- when the day of reckoning can no longer be postponed -- has grown ever greater.


Government's Share of Employment

Government employment as a percentage of total employment has often served as an index of the size of government. This measure, too, has a built-in bias toward suggesting that the rate at which government is growing is decelerating over time even when government increases its share of employment by, say, one percentage point every year. Thus, for example, when government's employment share increases from 2 percent to 4 percent, the government grows by 100 percent, but when the share increases from 20 percent to 22 percent, gobbling up the same incremental proportion of total employment, the government grows by just 10 percent.

In the group of 17 advanced countries analyzed recently by Tanzi and Schuknecht, the government's average employment share increased from 5.2 percent in 1937 to 12.3 percent in 1960 to 18.4 percent in 1994 (2000, p. 26). The rate of increase of this ratio has declined during the past two decades in most countries, but one ought not to make too much of that deceleration. In the United States, increases in the amount of "contracting out" of government functions have led to a replacement of formal government employees by a growing "shadow" army of many millions of seemingly private employees ­ grantees, contractors, and consultants ­ but the latter are doing what they are doing only because the government arranges and pays for it to be done (Blumenthal 1979; Hanrahan 1983; Light 1999a, 1999b).

According to Paul Light's estimates, the US federal workforce is not the fewer than 2 million persons officially reported (as of 1996), but nearly 17 million persons ­ "and the count does not even include the full-time equivalent employment of the people who work on a part-time or temporary basis for Uncle Sam -- for example, the 884,000 members of the military reserves," although it does include some 4.7 million federally funded workers already counted in the all-governments total as employees of state and local governments (1999a, p. 1).

Moreover, governments increasingly have established regulations that in effect require bona fide private parties to work for the government. Tanzi and Schuknecht themselves take note of such "quasi-fiscal policies," which they describe aptly as regulations that "become alternatives to taxing and spending" (2000, p. 203). In this recognition, they follow in a long line of analysts stretching back at least to Richard A. Posner in his capacity as the author of the 1971 article "Taxation by Regulation."

The relevant class of regulations, though, is much wider than it is usually recognized to be in the standard literature of economics and public choice. To be sure, all sorts of economic, environmental, health-and-safety, and social regulations continue to spew out of Washington and Brussels, among many other government centers.

In addition, however, the US government especially requires ever more uncompensated information collection and reporting by its subjects in order to slake the surveillance state's insatiable craving for the most minute details of everyone's conduct (Bennett and Johnson 1979; Twight 1999). These Big Brotherish demands are justified by the despicable slogan that only those with something to hide will object, but in truth this vile rain falls on the righteous and the wicked alike ­ and one would have to be pretty dimwitted to expect the latter to report truthfully even if officially required to do so.

According to a recent summary of US federal regulation by Clyde Wayne Crews Jr.,

The 2001 Federal Register contained 64,431 pages.…
In 2001, 4,132 final rules were issued by agencies.…
Of the 4,509 regulations now in the works, 149 are "economically significant" rules that will have at least $100 million in economic impact. Those rules will impose at least $14.9 billion yearly in future off-budget costs.…
The costs of meeting the demands of off-budget social regulations were as high as $229 billion according to the Office of Management and Budget. A more broadly constructed competing estimate that includes economic regulatory costs and paperwork costs pegs regulatory expenditures at $854 billion in 2001, or 46 percent of all FY01 [fiscal year 2001] outlays. (2002, pp. 1–2)

The foregoing summary, shocking as it is, describes the regulatory burden being imposed at only the federal level of government. The state and local governments, as well as various international bodies, simultaneously continue to pour out endless streams of their own regulations, all of which entail resource costs and sacrifices of citizens' liberties.

Because the public has less awareness of the burdens imposed by these regulations, many of which remain obscure and indirect in their operation and effects, governments encounter even less resistance to their ongoing imposition of regulatory burdens than they encounter in their quest to collect greater revenue from explicit taxes laid on incomes, sales transactions, and property values.

So far, it seems that there is no natural limit to the number of regulations governments can and will impose. Hence, we are fast approaching a condition in which everything that is not forbidden is required, even as Americans, acting for all the world like faux-patriotic zombies, continue to reassure themselves incessantly that "it's a free country."[4]

For present purposes, the point is that people occupied with regulatory compliance are not truly privately employed. Instead, they are in effect stealth government servants, working not for their own ends but doing the bidding of their political masters. In the present Western world, then, nearly everybody is actually a government employee, but rather than getting a government paycheck for our efforts, we are required to pay the government for the privilege of our own serfdom and to bear the risk of prosecution and imprisonment should our unpaid work on the government's behalf prove unsatisfactory to our "employer."


All That and More

Astronomical taxes and expenditures; regulations distended beyond human comprehension; gigantic borrowing and lending; countless prohibitions and subsidies; innumerable loan guarantees; multitudes of fines, fees, and charges; mountains of surplus commodities distributed like manna; precious private property seized at the whim of the forfeiture police; foreign wars without end; internal-security measures that treat all human beings going about their daily lives as criminal suspects ­ all that and more, much more, ever more constitute the glorious realm of government in today's economically advanced countries (you know, the ones that are color-coded as "free" on the maps prepared by research institutes better left nameless on this occasion).

Each day the galling chains around us are pulled tighter. Yet until the last breath of liberty is squeezed out of us, we can rely on "hardheaded" scholars to trot out their anemic and biased measures of the growth of government and to announce calmly that we have no valid cause for alarm. My advice: if you value your life, liberty, and property, do not employ one of these experts as your night watchman.

Robert Higgs is senior fellow in political economy for the Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. He is the 2007 recipient of the Gary G. Schlarbaum Prize for Lifetime Achievement in the Cause of Liberty. Send him mail. See Robert Higgs's article archives.

Originally published in the Independent Review Vol. 9, No. 1, Summer 2004.


Notes

[1] For my earlier defenses of this thesis, some of which deal with matters not touched on here, see Higgs 1983; 1987, esp. pp. 20–34; 1991a, esp. pp. 5–8; and 1991b, esp. pp. 66–68.

[2] US ratio computed from figures reported in US Office of Management and Budget 2002, pp. 292–93; ratios for various European countries from Tanzi and Schuknecht 2000, pp. 6–7.

[3] The group includes Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

[4] For a refreshing recent dissent from this counterfactual conceit, see Greenhut 2003.


References
Bennett, James T., and Manuel H. Johnson. 1979. "Paperwork and Bureaucracy." Economic Inquiry 17 (July): pp. 435–51.

Blumenthal, Barbara. 1979. "Uncle Sam's Army of Invisible Employees." National Journal (May 5): pp. 730–33.

Crews, Clyde Wayne Jr. 2002. "Ten Thousand Commandments: An Annual Snapshot of the Federal Regulatory State," 2002 Edition. Washington, DC: Cato Institute.

Greenhut, Steven. 2003. "Land of the Free, Home of the Slave."

Hanrahan, John D. 1983. Government by Contract. New York: Norton.

Higgs, Robert. 1983. "Where Figures Fail: Measuring the Growth of Big Government." The Freeman 33 (March): pp. 151–56.

­­­. 1987. Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government. New York: Oxford University Press.

­­­. 1991a. "Eighteen Problematic Propositions in the Analysis of the Growth of Government." Review of Austrian Economics 5: pp. 3–40.

­­­. 1991b. "Leviathan at Bay?" Liberty 5 (November): pp. 64–70.

Light, Paul Charles. 1999a. "The True Size of Government." Government Executive Magazine (January 1).

­­­. 1999b. The True Size of Government. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.

Posner, Richard A. 1971. "Taxation by Regulation." Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science 5 (Spring): pp. 22–50.

Tanzi, Vito, and Ludger Schuknecht. 2000. Public Spending in the 20th Century: A Global Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Twight, Charlotte. 1999. "Watching You: Systematic Federal Surveillance of Ordinary Americans." The Independent Review 4 (Fall): pp. 165–200.

US Council of Economic Advisers. 2001. Annual Report of the Council of Economic Advisers. Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office.

US Office of Management and Budget. 2002. Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2003: Historical Tables. Washington, DC: US Office of Management and Budget.

http://mises.org/daily/5485/Contra-Conventional-Measures-of-the-Growth-of-Government



The Advisory Committee on Transparency presents

Making Whistleblowing Work

Friday, July 29 at 10:30 am in Rayburn 2247

Federal whistleblowers report lawbreaking and taxpayer rip-offs—often at great personal and professional risk. Does the law protect them sufficiently from retaliation? How does blowing the whistle on waste, fraud, and abuse in the government work? What is the balance between disclosure and the government's legitimate need for confidentiality? What distinctions should we draw between reporting wrongdoing to employers, to Congress, to reporters, and online? Is WikiLeaks fundamentally different from what's come before?

Join the newly confirmed head of the federal office charged with investigating whistleblower complaints, a whistleblower, the policy director of a good government watchdog, and an expert on the intersection of politics and the Internet for a panel discussion on whistleblowing. We will discuss current incentives and protections for whistleblowers and ongoing legislative reform efforts.

Panelists include:

  • Angela Canterbury, Director of Public Policy, Project on Government Oversight
  • Carolyn Lerner, Special Counsel, U.S. Office of Special Counsel
  • Christian Sanchez, Border Patrol Agent, Customs & Border Protection, Department of Homeland Security
  • Daniel Schuman, Moderator, Policy Counsel, the Sunlight Foundation
  • Micah Sifry, Co-founder and editor of the Personal Democracy Forum; author of WikiLeaks and the Age of Transparency; Sunlight Foundation sr. technology advisor

RSVP to http://snlg.ht/WhistleRSVP

The Advisory Committee on Transparency educates policymakers on transparency-related issues, problems, and solutions and shares ideas with members of the Congressional Transparency Caucus. It hosts events to discuss important and wide-ranging transparency policy issues with experts from a variety of backgrounds and develops educational publications and provides timely information to the public and members of Congress. Learn more at http://transparencycaucus.org




This email was sent to:
majors.bruce@gmail.com






--
Please Note: If you hit "REPLY", your message will be sent to everyone on this mailing list (libertarian-364@meetup.com)
This message was sent by bruce (majors.bruce@gmail.com) from Washington D.C. Libertarian Party Meetup.
To learn more about bruce, visit his/her member profile
To unsubscribe or to update your mailing list settings, click here

Meetup, PO Box 4668 #37895 New York, New York 10163-4668 | support@meetup.com

--
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum
 
* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls.
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.
Sounds to me like someone needs to set the standards and stick to
them. sounds also like Obama has his staff involved here considering
how badly they skrew things up.

--
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum

* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls.
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.









 

 

 

 

Is Obama Sabotaging the Ft. Hood Murder Case to Avoid Executing a Muslim?

 

 

by Kevin "Coach" Collins

Error! Filename not specified.

The November 5, 2009, shooting rampage by the cowardly Muslim Army Major Nidal Malik Hasan was wake-up call that has become an example of why America made a grave error in electing Barack Hussein Obama.

Hasan murdered 13 innocent people. All but one were soldiers either just returning from theaters of war or preparing to deploy to combat areas. One of the dead soldiers was pregnant. The remaining victim was an Army civilian employee.

Hassan's guilt is indisputable. After being shot by an armed civilian guard the only armed personnel at the scene (thanks to Bill Clinton Military bases are "gun free zones"), Hassan was immediately taken into custody. His weapons were recovered. Eyewitness statements were taken, and then the unexpected happened. Nothing further has taken place.

The White House immediately set up whatever roadblocks it could to thwart the Army's case against Hassan. By December 2009 the ranking Republican member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Rep. Pete Hoekstra, R-MI, had to publicly call Obama out to demand he quit stalling and release the necessary official report on the case so the prosecution could begin. That was 19 long months ago.

Last week Hassan's civilian lawyer, John Galligan, who has since been fired by the murdering punk, also complained he was being denied access to a number of pertinent documents which could easily be delivered, but just as easily be withheld.

Aulaqi Connection "Red Herring"

Information has surfaced that Intelligence agencies knew this Islamist terrorist Hasan was communicating with another terrorist Anwar al-Aulaqi, who fled our shores to run a jihadist web site in Yeman. This begs the question: So what?

If Hassan and al-Aulaqi are connected that fact can be introduced during this punk's trial. Holding up a final White House report for 19 months with no end of this delay in sight, to investigate this "connection" is only an excuse to slow this case down. Things like this are nothing new for this Chicago thug.

We've seen this kind of subversion of justice to help Obama before. Remember Tony Rezko? Remember he was supposed to hand Obama up when he was finally sentenced? Not surprisingly Rezko has not been sentenced for his June 4, 2008, conviction of 16 federal crimes. That's more than three years. Moreover, in last January his sentencing was postponed indefinitely.

Does anyone believe for a second that Rezko will allow himself to be sentenced without trying to sellout Obama? Does anyone believe for a second that Obama will allow Hassan's case to conclude before next year's election or ever?

To contact your Congressional Representative use this link:http://www.contactingthecongress.org/

To read more use these links:

http://www.foxnews.com/opinion/2009/11/10/john-lott-ft-hood-end-gun-free-zone/

http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/58470

http://www.foxnews.com/us/2011/07/18/new-documents-in-fort-hood-shooting-case-raise-concerns-about-prosecutions/

http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-01-06/news/ct-met-tony-rezko-status-20110106_1_rezko-sentencing-blagojevich-retrial-antoin-tony-rezko

This article originally appeared on CoachIsRight.com and is reprinted with permission.

http://floydreports.com/is-obama-sabotaging-the-ft-hood-murder-case-to-avoid-executing-a-muslim/

 

 



 


--
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum
 
* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls.
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.








 

 

Ann Coulter

 

NEW YORK TIMES READER KILLS DOZENS IN NORWAY

July 27, 2011



The New York Times wasted no time in jumping to conclusions about Anders Behring Breivik, the Norwegian who staged two deadly attacks in Oslo last weekend, claiming in the first two paragraphs of one story that he was a "gun-loving," "right-wing," "fundamentalist Christian," opposed to "multiculturalism." 

It may as well have thrown in "Fox News-watching" and "global warming skeptic." 

This was a big departure from the Times' conclusion-resisting coverage of the Fort Hood shooting suspect, Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan. Despite reports that Hasan shouted "Allahu Akbar!" as he gunned down his fellow soldiers at a military medical facility in 2009, only one of seven Times articles on Hasan so much as mentioned that he was a Muslim. 

Of course, that story ran one year after Hasan's arrest, so by then, I suppose, the cat was out of the bag. 

In fact, however, Americans who jumped to conclusions about Hasan were right and New York Times reporters who jumped to conclusions about Breivik were wrong. 

True, in one lone entry on Breivik's gaseous 1,500-page manifesto, "2083: A European Declaration of Independence," he calls himself "Christian." But unfortunately he also uses a great number of other words to describe himself, and these other words make clear that he does not mean "Christian" as most Americans understand the term. (Incidentally, he also cites The New York Times more than a half-dozen times.) 

Had anyone at the Times actually read Breivik's manifesto, they would have seen that he uses the word "Christian" as a handy moniker to mean "European, non-Islamic" -- not a religious Christian or even a vague monotheist. In fact, at several points in his manifesto, Breivik stresses that he has a beef with Christians for their soft-heartedness. (I suppose that's why the Times is never worried about a "Christian backlash.") 

A casual perusal of Breivik's manifesto clearly shows that he uses the word "Christian" similarly to the way some Jewish New Yorkers use it to mean "non-Jewish." In this usage, Christopher Hitchens and Madalyn Murray O'Hair are "Christians." 

I told a Jewish gal trying to set me up with one of her friends once that he had to be Christian, and she exclaimed that she had the perfect guy: a secular Muslim atheist. (This was the least-popular option on the '60s board game Dream Date, by the way). 

Breivik is very clear that you don't even have to believe in God to join his movement, saying in a self-interview: 

Q: Do I have to believe in God or Jesus in order to become a Justiciar Knight? 

A: As this is a cultural war, our definition of being a Christian does not necessarily constitute that you are required to have a personal relationship with God or Jesus. 

He goes on to say that a "Christian fundamentalist theocracy" is "everything we DO NOT want," and a "secular European society" is "what we DO want." 

"It is enough," Breivik says, "that you are a Christian-agnostic or a Christian-atheist." That statement doesn't even make sense in America. 

At the one and only meeting of Breivik's "Knights Templar" in London in 2002, there were nine attendees, three of whom he describes as "Christian atheists" and one as a "Christian agnostic." (Another dozen people mistook it for a Renaissance Faire and were turned away.) 

Breivik clearly explains that his "Knights Templar" is "not a religious organization but rather a Christian 'culturalist' military order." He even calls on the "European Jewish, Buddhist and Hindu community" to join his fight against "the Islamization of Europe." 

He doesn't believe in Christianity or want anyone else to, but apparently supports celebrating Christmas simply to annoy Muslims. 

Breivik says he is "not an excessively religious man," brags that he is "first and foremost a man of logic," calls himself "economically liberal" and reveres Darwinism. 

But Times reporters had their "Eureka!" moment as soon as they heard Breivik used the word "Christian" someplace to identify himself. No one at the Times bothered to read Breivik's manifesto to see that he doesn't use the term the way the rest of us do. That might have interfered with the paper's obsessive Christian-bashing. 

Other famous killers dubbed conservative Christians by the Times include Timothy McVeigh and Jared Loughner. 

McVeigh was a pot-smoking atheist who said, "Science is my religion." 

Similarly, Breivik says in his manifesto that "it is essential that science take an undisputed precedence over biblical teachings" –- a statement that would be incomprehensible to all the real scientists, such as Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes, Bacon, Newton, Mendel, Pasteur, Planck, Einstein and Pauli, all of whom believed the whole purpose of science was to understand God. 

The Tucson shooter, Jared Loughner, was lyingly described by the Times as a pro-life fanatic. Not only did more honest news outlets, such as ABC News, report exactly the opposite -- for example, how Loughner alarmed his classmates by laughing about an aborted baby in class -- but Loughner's friends described him as "left wing," "a political radical," "quite liberal" and "a pothead." Another said Loughner's mother was Jewish. 

The only reason Timothy McVeigh has gone down in history as a right-wing Christian and Jared Loughner has not -- despite herculean efforts by much of the mainstream media to convince us otherwise -- is that by January 2011 when Loughner went on his murder spree, conservatives had enough media outlets to reveal the truth. 

As explained in the smash best-seller "Demonic: How the Liberal Mob Is Endangering America," the liberal rule is: Any criminal act committed by a white man with a gun is a right-wing, Christian conspiracy, whereas any criminal act committed by a nonwhite is the government violating someone's civil liberties. 

It's too bad Breivik wasn't a Muslim extremist open about his Jihadist views, because I hear the Army is looking for a new psychiatrist down at Fort Hood. 





--
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum
 
* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls.
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.