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Taking the wind from Race Baiter (Democrat) Sails - Two points:
1) 'Never let a crisis go to waste' can be turned on BHO & crew.
2) When the courts prove that they can be trusted NOT to administer
the law as legislated demagoguery and cronyism will rule rather than
constitutionally guaranteed republican-rule-of-law
Use 1) to fix 2). Apply 2) to the POTUS candidates Constitutionally
required 'natural-born-citizen' requirement. BHO's signature on
legislation & legislation-by-EO becomes void ab inito.
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The "Treyvon Martin Problem" & Virginia's immediate cost-effective
permanent fix
From the "Journal of Constitutional Reset from Virginia"

In any state the has an uncorrupted base of English common law (Magna
Carta +) Treyvon's mother could directly present her complaint to the
citizen grand jury and the grand jury could ORDER the prosecutor to
prepare an INDICTMENT on the killer.
Virginia has the law right in statute § 19.2-191. "Functions of a
grand jury.
The functions of a grand jury are twofold:
(1) To consider bills of indictment prepared by the attorney for the
Commonwealth and to determine whether as to each such bill there is
sufficient probable cause to return such indictment "a true bill."
(2) To investigate and report on any condition that involves or tends
to promote criminal activity, either in the community or by any
governmental authority, agency or official thereof. These functions
may be exercised by either a special grand jury or a regular grand
jury as hereinafter provided.:
But the judges of Virginia regularly resist VA19.2-191(2) under the
[false] color of the laws authority – which is defined as
VA18.2-481(5) felony statutory treason that they can only perpetrate
in their personal capacity. EVERY LAWYER WITNESSING that and the daily
violations of the VFOIA is conclusively evidenced as perpetrating
felony VA18.2-482 "Misprision of Treason".
Please ask Gov. McDonnell to correct Virginia's 'Treyvon Martin
Problem' by demanding that he do his constitutional duty to 'take care
that the laws are enforced' using all necessary force. Ask that Gov.
McDonnell demand the surrender of EVERY officer of the SCOVA (every
lawyer, judge & justice) offering them full pardon upon the virtue of
proper parole oath. Virginia could easily fix this 'Treyvon Problem'
in less that a week and at almost no cost.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
'The "Treyvon Martin Problem" & Virginia's immediate cost-effective
permanent fix' at
http://teapartyconstitutionalists.ning.com/forum/topics/the-treyvon-martin-problem-virginia-s-immediate-cost-effective

From the "Journal of Constitutional Reset from Virginia" at
http://teapartyconstitutionalists.ning.com/forum/categories/journal-of-constitutional-reset-from-virginia/listForCategory

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Welfare for the Masses
by Laurence M. Vance, March 27, 2012

When Americans think of U.S. government welfare programs they generally think of programs such as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Security Income (SSI), or the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), formerly known as food stamps.

Other welfare programs include Head Start; the National School Lunch Program (NSLP); Medicaid; Women, Infants, and Children (WIC); energy assistance; housing assistance; and the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP).

Most Americans would not consider programs such as Medicare, Social Security, and Federal-State Unemployment Insurance as welfare programs (even though they are), since they are technically funded in part by payroll taxes paid by employers and employees.

It is even rarer that anyone would consider a tax credit to be welfare. But unfortunately, that's just what some of them are.

Regular tax credits are not welfare. A tax credit is a dollar-for-dollar reduction of the amount of income tax owed. Current tax credits include the credit for child and dependent care expenses, education credits, the foreign tax credit, the retirement savings contributions credit, the child tax credit, the plug-in electric vehicle credit, and residential energy credits. Tax credits may reduce the tax owed to zero, but if there is no taxable income to begin with, then no credit can be taken.

Tax credits that are refundable, however, are welfare even though they are rarely viewed as such. A refundable tax credit is treated as a payment from the taxpayer, such as federal income tax withheld. Refundable tax credits include the adoption credit, the first-time homebuyer credit, the additional child tax credit, the American opportunity credit, and the earned income credit. If the tax credit "payment" is more than the tax owed, the taxpayer receives a refund of money he never paid in. Refundable tax credits are the ultimate form of welfare because they are payments made in cash instead of payments made to third parties, as in Medicaid, or an amount deposited on an Electronic Benefit Card (EBC), as in the food-stamp program. And no income received is counted as income when determining eligibility for federally funded welfare programs such as TANF, SSI, or SNAP.

The adoption credit can be as high as $13,360 for adopting a child. The full credit up to $185,210 can be taken with a modified adjusted gross income. A full phase-out occurs when that number reaches $225,210. And according to the IRS , "You may be able to claim the credit even if the adoption does not become final. If you adopt a special needs child, you may qualify for the full amount of the adoption credit even if you paid few or no adoption-related expenses."

The first-time homebuyer credit is available only to members of the uniformed services, Foreign Service, or intelligence community who were on qualified official extended duty outside the United States for at least 90 days during the period beginning after December 31, 2008, and ending before May 1, 2010, and who bought a home during the period of January to April 2011. The amount of the credit is the smaller of $4,000 ($8,000 if married filing jointly) and 10 percent of the purchase price of the home. The purchase price of the home cannot exceed $800,000 and the taxpayer's modified adjusted gross income cannot be $145,000 or above ($245,000 or above if married filing jointly).

The additional child tax credit is available to taxpayers with a qualifying child who receive less than the full amount of the $1,000 per child tax credit because the tax owed is less than the allowable child tax credit. In that case the amount of the additional child tax credit is the smaller of the remaining child tax credit and 15 percent of the taxpayer's taxable earned income. The income phase-out amount begins, like the child tax credit, at $75,000 ($110,000 if married filing jointly).

The American opportunity credit is 100 percent of the first $2,000 plus 25 percent of the next $2,000 in qualified tuition and related educational expenses the taxpayer pays for each eligible student. No credit can be claimed if the taxpayer's modified adjusted gross income reaches $90,000 ($180,000 for married filing jointly). Forty percent of the American opportunity credit is refundable. That means that an amount up to $1,000 per student can be refunded over and above what the taxpayer paid in.

The crown jewel of refundable tax credits is the earned income tax credit (EITC) or earned income credit (EIC). With a maximum benefit for 2011 of $5,751, the EIC is truly welfare for the masses. According to the IRS, "Last year, over 26.8 million received almost $59.5 billion in EITC for 2010 tax year returns." Many states and some cities and counties also offer their residents an earned income credit.

Like many federal programs that eventually grew exponentially beyond what they were ever intended, the EIC has modest beginnings. A seemingly innocent provision of the Tax Reduction Act of 1975 was a refundable tax credit for low-income taxpayers with children that provided them with up to $400. The credit was soon extended for 1976, 1977, and 1978. By 1978, the maximum a family could receive went up 25 percent to $500, with a partial credit given on incomes between $5,000 and $10,000. Beginning in 1979, the EIC was made a permanent fixture on IRS tax forms. By 1990, the maximum credit was up to $953, with a partial benefit available for incomes up to $20,264. In 1990, George H.W. Bush signed legislation greatly expanding the EIC system for the next three years. Not only did benefits go up, more dollars were awarded if the taxpayer had two or more children instead of one. Also new was an additional credit up to $357 if a child was less than one year old. By 1993, the maximum credit was up to $1,511.

Although the EIC was introduced under Gerald Ford, and increased under Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George H.W. Bush, it skyrocketed under Bill Clinton. The Omnibus Reconciliation Act of 1993 increased the maximum EIC payment in 1994 by more than $1,000 to a whopping $2,528. Also new in 1994 was an EIC payment for a single person with no dependents. Beginning in 2004, some employees with at least one child began receiving advance EIC payments in their paychecks, claiming the rest of the credit when filing their tax return. The Education Jobs and Medicaid Assistance Act of 2010 repealed the advance EIC payments after 2010. Beginning in 2009, EIC payments were increased for taxpayers with three or more children. That increase has been extended to 2012, when the maximum benefit is scheduled to rise to $5,891, with a partial benefit available for taxpayers with incomes up to $45,060 ($50,270 married filing jointly).

The EIC program is said to discourage welfare and to be a tax break for hard-working people. Ronald Reagan once heralded it as "the best anti-poverty, the best pro-family, the best job creation measure to come out of Congress." According to the IRS,
EITC, the Earned Income Tax Credit, sometimes called EIC is a tax credit to help you keep more of what you earned. [It is a] refundable federal income tax credit for low to moderate income working individuals and families. Congress originally approved the tax credit legislation in 1975 in part to offset the burden of social security taxes and to provide an incentive to work. When EITC exceeds the amount of taxes owed, it results in a tax refund to those who claim and qualify for the credit.
But how can a program that is itself welfare be said to discourage welfare? How can the EIC be called a "tax break," when most of those who receive it owe no taxes in the first place? How can the EIC be called a tax refund when it is other people's money that is refunded? Why do "low to moderate working individuals and families" need a tax credit, when they pay no taxes in the first place? (According to IRS figures, the top 50 percent of taxpayers, in terms of adjusted gross income, pay 97.75 percent of all income taxes.) If Social Security taxes are a "burden," then why not reduce the Social Security tax rate or eliminate the tax altogether? And since when is it the job of government to create jobs and provide people with an "incentive to work"?

The EIC program has always received wide bipartisan support in Congress. And not only did it go up every year that the Republicans controlled the Congress under Clinton, it likewise increased when the Republicans had an absolute majority in Congress and the White House for more than four years under George W. Bush. The EIC is a sacrosanct plank of the Democratic/Republican welfare state, just as Social Security and Medicare are.

The EIC should not be reformed or reduced; it should be eliminated, or at least its refundability should be eliminated. It should be eliminated, not because the program is too expensive or rife with fraud, but because it is an income-transfer program masquerading as a tax credit.

http://www.fff.org/comment/com1203w.asp


New post on Fellowship of the Minds

Democrats Want To Take Down One Of Their Own

by catscanner150

George Zimmerman a Registered Democrat

photo

BY: - <:time datetime="2012-03-27T12:28:30+00:00" pubdate="">March 27, 2012 12:28 pm

The individual at the center of the controversial Trayvon Martin shooting is a registered Democrat.

George Michael Zimmerman, born Oct. 5, 1983, registered as a Democrat in Seminole County, Fla., in August 2002, according to state voter registration documents.

It is unclear whether he voted for President Barack Obama in 2008.

Some in the media have sought to blame Republican politicians and conservative activists for Martin's death.

"[Republican politicians] reinforce and validate old stereotypes that associate the poor and welfare as criminal behavior with African-Americans and people of color, calling us lazy, undeserving recipients of public assistance. In the case of Trayvon, those festering stereotypes had lethal consequences," said MSNBC political analyst and Democratic fundraiser Karen Finney.

According to the document, Zimmerman's race is officially listed as Hispanic. The son of a white father and Peruvian mother, he has been described as a "white Hispanic" in most media reports.

Following the Feb. 26 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin in a Sanford, Fla. gated community, Zimmerman has been the target of widespread outrage.

Zimmerman shot and killed Martin following a physical confrontation, but has yet to be charged with a crime. He says he acted in self-defense, a claim supported by the Sanford, Fla., Police Department investigating the case.

Protesters and activists led by professional racial justice advocates Al Shartpon and Jesse Jackson have suggested Martin's killing was racially motivated, and have called for Zimmerman's arrest.

"We want George Zimmerman in court with handcuffs behind his back," Sharpton said last week.

Martin's mother, Sabrina Fulton, has alleged that Zimmerman killed her son "because of the color of his skin."

Craig Sonner, the attorney representing Zimmerman, has denied such allegations, noting that his client has acted as a mentor to a black single mother and her two children, and had helped them raise money for their all-black church.

Sometimes you just can't make this stuff up.

Tom in NC

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New post on Doctor Bulldog & Ronin

Military Acadamies Embrace Rump-Rider Pride

by doctorbulldog

Geez.  What's next?  Scat Pride?  Maybe they can roll a turd down a hill and have a turd racing contest or something:

P.S. - If you want an eye-opening experience, turn off Google's "safesearch" and then Google for "gay military" images...  But, be forewarned, it's not pretty and definitely NOT for minors!  Yup, that should give you an idea of what the rump-riders have in mind for our professional military establishments...

Military Academies Hold First Gay Pride Events
By Wilson Ring - AP - via CBN

NORTHFIELD, Vt. -- At the beginning of the school year, gay pride events at a military academy with titles like "condom Olympics" and "queer prom" would have been unthinkable. This week, they're a reality.

Cadets in uniform at Norwich University, the nation's oldest private military academy, participated Monday in sessions about handling bullying and harassment as part of the school's first gay pride week. The events are believed to be the first of their kind on a military campus.

Just over six months after the end of the "don't ask, don't tell" rule that prohibited gays and lesbians from serving openly in the armed forces, it's a different -- and less secretive -- world.

School's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Club

Until last year, only a select few at Norwich knew of the sexual orientation of Joshua Fontanez, 22, of Browns Mills, N.J., a past president of the student government who quietly laid the groundwork for the school's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Questioning and Allies Club, which held its first meeting the day the law ended.

He had always wanted to be a soldier but figured he'd have to keep his sexuality a secret.

"The aspects of my sexual orientation, how that played in the military, that was something I was willing to sacrifice, being open versus serving my nation," Fontanez said. "It's something I feel I was truly called toward and truly loved, so it's great that I don't have necessarily to make that sacrifice."

In December, a group of students at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy in New London, Conn., formed a group called Spectrum, which has many of the same goals as the Norwich club. A similar organization with the same name is being formed in New York at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point.

[...]

"Everyone has been very professional here at the academy," said West Point Cadet Andrew Fitzsimmons, 19, a sophomore from Algonac, Mich. "It's been a very positive environment."

A group of alumni called Knights Out will hold a campus dinner this weekend and is expecting at least a dozen cadets to attend, said the group's director, Sue Fulton, a 1980 West Point graduate who was among the first women admitted to the academy.

"The official status has changed dramatically, in that public events that would have been prohibited are happening; but in terms of attitudes, I think cadets and midshipmen have long been supportive of their gay and lesbian classmates," Fulton said.

Norwich, established in 1819, has about 1,300 cadets and 1,100 civilian students. About 115 of the 200 graduating cadets plan to be commissioned in the armed forces through ROTC.

The gay student club is believed to be the first of its kind in the country on a military campus, Norwich officials said. Thirty to 35 people attend meetings.

Condom Olympics

The events this week -- held at a different time of year from many other gay pride events, which usually are observed in June or October -- include discussions of HIV testing; the "condom Olympics," in which prophylactics are given as prizes; and a dance at which same-sex partners are welcome.

[...]

doctorbulldog | 27 March, 2012 at 9:58 am | Categories: Gay Agenda, Military, Obama Sucks, politics | URL: http://wp.me/p1NPg-7E6

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Original Understanding of the Commerce Clause
by Jon Roland

Most federal criminal legislation is based on either the tax or commerce clauses, but competent historians of the Founding Era will find that these clauses do not authorize criminal legislation.

For the term "commerce" we can disaggregate the bundle of elements it might include and examine usage to determine which of the elements were included in original understanding:

1. Tangible articles.
2. Transfer of ownership.
3. Transfer of location.
4. Transfer of possession.
5. Direct services, securities, money, publications, power, etc.
6. Exchange for a valuable consideration.
7. Primary production (farming, fishing, hunting, mining, etc.)
8. Manufacturing.
9. Transport services.
10. Sale.
11. Possession.
12. Use.
13. Disposal.
14. Those engaged in the process.
15. The practices of those engaged in the process.
16. The impacts of the practices of those engaged in the process, such as "interference" in the practices conducted by others, or intermingling of the process with other kinds of process.
17. A "stream" of such processes which might include non-qualifying objects.

My research of instances of use in what became the United States finds only that "commerce among the states" meant "transfer for a valuable consideration of ownership and possession of a tangible commodity from a vendor in one state to a customer in another."

The word "commerce" was almost never used in common parlance in the colonies or newly independent states. A search of newspapers, speeches, and letters of that time and place finds few instances of it. The word is originally French, and we have this from Emmerich de Vattel, in his Law of Nations (1758), Book I § 92:

... commerce consists in mutually buying and selling all sorts of commodities.

Vattel was well-known and often cited by the Founders.

In other words, interstate commerce would not, for example, include a sale from someone in Lower Michigan to someone in Upper Michigan that happened to be delivered via Illinois. I have also found as objects of such regulation, aggregation only up to the level of single shipments of multiple units, not some "stream" that might include non-qualifying objects.

As originally understood, interstate "commerce" did not include primary production, such as farming, hunting, fishing, or mining. It did not include services, securities, or communication. Nor did it include manufacturing, transport, retail sales, possession, use, or disposal of anything. It did not include anything that might have a "substantial effect" on commerce, or the operations of parties not directly related to the actual transfers of ownership and possession.

It also did not include all "traffic". There is an implied power to regulate traffic to the extent necessary to separate commercial traffic from noncommercial, such as to require that traffic move through ports of entry and be subject to inspection, but once noncommercial traffic is identified as such it is no longer constitutionally subject to regulation. However, carrying human passengers would not qualify as commercial traffic, even through it might be done for hire, because humans are not tangible commodities being traded ­ with the temporizing exception of slaves until the logical imcompatibility of slavery with the language of the Constitution could be resolved.

The decision in Gibbons was correct, but the justification in the opinion was not. The authority for regulating coastal traffic rests on the Defense Clause, which implies the power to control entry onto the territory of the nation and the approaches to it. See my commentary at http://www.constitution.org/ussc/022-001jr.htm.

Further, as originally understood, the power to "regulate" was not the power to prohibit, nor did it imply the power to impose criminal penalties for violations. While a "regulation" might be considered as the prohibition of some modalities of something, like packaging, labeling, handling, routing, or scheduling, it could not be prohibition of all modalities. There must always be some modalities that are permitted. The restriction must be reasonable, and must serve a public purpose, and not favor one segment of the market over another.

Further, I find no instances where "necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers" meant "convenient for achieving any purpose for which the powers might be exercised". It was recognized that many delegations of powers would not be sufficient for many purposes for which they might be exercised, but the delegation was only to exercise the power within its bounds, not to do whatever it might take to accomplish a goal.

Similarly, as originally understood, the power to tax did not imply the power to impose criminal penalties for violations, only civil penalties, such as fines, or forfeitures of the actual property on which taxes had not been paid.

Today, judicial proceedings in which the petitioner seeks punitive deprivations of property, such as fines, is treated in criminal court rather than civil, even though, inconsistently, courts will treat punitive damages, in rem forfeitures, or deprivations of privileges, as "civil". But in the Founding Era, "crimes" were acts punishable by deprivations of life, limb, or liberty. "Limb" was a term of art that meant corporal punishment.

The original Constitution delegated authority to the national government to punish as crimes, committed on state territory, only a limited number of subjects: (1) treason (Art. III Sec. 3 Cl. 2); (1) counterfeiting (Art. I Sec. 8 Cl. 6); (3) piracy or felonies on the high seas; (4) offenses against the "laws of nations" (Art. I Sec. 8 Cl. 10); or (5) violations of discipline by military or militia personnel (Art. I Sec. 8 Cl. 14). This was emphasized in constitutional ratifying conventions, and again in the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, authored by Thomas Jefferson, although he omitted the last one. See http://www.constitution.org/rf/kr_1798.htm .

As originally understood, the "Necessary and Proper" clause (Art. I Sec. 8 Cl. 18), only implied powers to administer delegated powers, not all powers that might be useful or convenient to achieve a purpose for which the delegated powers might be exercised. It may be necessary and proper to hire workers, build buildings and equipment, and issue paperwork, but not to pressure or penalize someone for not doing something the government does not have the power to do directly.

In general, the powers to "tax", "borrow", "regulate", "establish", "promote", "secure", "constitute", "declare", "grant", "provide", "make rules", "prohibit", and "punish", were all distinct, none implied by another. Thus, it is not correct to imply a power to punish (disable a right of life, limb or liberty) from a power to tax or regulate.
The only delegation of what are called "police powers" was confined to parcels of territory ceded to the exclusive legislative jurisdiction of Congress under Art. I Sec. 8 Cl. 17, such as the District of Columbia, and things like arsenals, dockyards, etc. Although many such "federal enclaves" have been created since the Constitution was adopted, they are limited in extent. See "Jurisdiction over Federal Areas within the States ­ Report of the Interdepartmental Committee for the Study of Jurisdiction over Federal Areas within the States" (1956), at http://www.constitution.org/juris/fjur/fed_jur.htm .

It has been held by some that Congress also has police powers on federal territory that has not been admitted as a state, under Art. IV Sec. 3 Cl. 2, but historical analysis indicates this clause only authorized Congress to organize such territories, and that any police powers had to arise from local governments that it might create, not from Congress directly. The model for this is the 1787 Northwest Ordinance, see http://www.constitution.org/cons/northwes.htm .

It is important to understand that as originally understood, such territorial jurisdiction was strictly limited. By the laws of nations doctrine, a criminal offense was "committed" under the exclusive jurisdiction of the sovereign of the territory where the offender was at the moment the irreversible act was united with criminal intent. See the treatise Conflict of Criminal Laws, Edward S. Stimson (1936) at http://www.constitution.org/cmt/stimson/con_crim.htm . In recent decades there has been a "jurisdiction creep" and assertions of "extraterritorial jurisdiction" over criminal offenses, but that is unconstitutional.

It is often argued that court precedents do not support the above interpretations, and that courts are bound by the doctrine of stare decisis to make their decisions primarily on the basis of the most recent precedents, rather than always returning to the black letter law, especially the Constitution, and to historical analysis of what the lawgivers meant by the words they chose. It is argued that "stability" of the law is more important than conformity to "original understanding". The problem with that doctrine is that it conflicts with the main reason why the Founders adopted a written constitution, rather than relying on the unwritten constitution that had been the tradition in Britain. Written constitutions were to get away from the drift into absurdity that often result when chains of precedent are allowed to drift away from some original, fixed, fundamental law. Stare decisis has a limited role in clarifying the fuzzy boundaries of the black letter law, but only after historical and textual analysis has been exhausted, and not to depart from the original meaning or to make "informal amendments" to the written law, especially to written constitutions.

At the moment, most federal criminal legislation is unconstitutional if applied to offenses committed on state territory, or on the territories of foreign nations. Some of it, which conflicts with the rights recognized in the Constitution, including the unenumerated rights of the Ninth Amendment, are unconstitutional everywhere, even in federal enclaves. This particularly applies to federal directives and regulations applied to persons not under contractual supervision of a federal official. It is a violation of Art. I Sec. 1 to delegate to administrative agencies the power to make rules for ordinary civilians that amount to statutes. Agencies may only exercise what is called the "ordinance power" over employees, some contractors, visitors to government proprietary facilities, or users of government assets, and except for military or militia personnel in actual service, the only penalties that may be imposed are termination of the contract and loss of the privileges enjoyed under that contract. The importance of this point can be seen in the fact that most of the penal and tax code consists of administrative regulations and not statutes.

Now, you may not find in the recorded ratification debates explicit analysis of the kind presented above, but, when combined with historical analysis of word usage and practice, one can certainly infer it, especially if one is not unduly influenced by an agenda that favors some government action. The job of historians includes the duty to ruthlessly examine one's own agendas and preferences and reject their influence on historical and legal judgment.

Any conscientious and competent historian approaching the current state of constitutional law confronts what can only be called tyranny, in the original sense of the exercise of unlawful power. Such powers might be popular with some constituent groups, but we must all realize that anyone who takes an oath to "preserve, protect, and defend" the Constitution is in immediate conflict with the established legal order, and that oath obliges the oathtaker to actively resist the usurpations, perhaps even with deadly force, the usurpations that so many have ignorantly come to accept.

For more on this topic see

"The Original Meaning of the Commerce Clause", Randy E. Barnett, 68 U. Chicago Law Review 101. http://www.bu.edu/rbarnett/Original.htm

"Locating the Boundaries: The Scope of Congress's Power to Regulate Commerce, Robert H. Bork and Daniel E. Troy. Paper delivered at symposium sponsored by U.S. Chamber of Commerce. http://www.constitution.org/lrev/bork-troy.htm

"How stare decisis Subverts the Law", Jon Roland, Jun. 10, 2000. http://www.constitution.org/col/0610staredrift.htm

http://www.constitution.org/col/02729_fed-usurp.htm

Lincoln Mortally Wounded the Constitution
Posted by Michael S. Rozeff on March 27, 2012 07:38 AM

Wilson observed that the War Between the States established the federal government as the final judge of its powers. To be more accurate, let's say that the war openly brought out the big guns, used them, and raised to the surface the exercise of federal power that was already latent or had been going on for decades in a less conspicuous or thorough-going manner. Thank you for that blog, Tom.

The rule by guns, not the Constitution, means that the powers of the federal government are limited by nothing except the resistance of those under its rule and certain remaining forms and customs that are still observed under that Constitution. And both of these mean that as time passes and as the federal government extends its powers and subverts these forms and customs, it becomes more and more of a tyranny. And it means that the Constitution comes more and more to exist in form only while dying in substance.

Each of us is his own medical examiner and dates the death of the Constitution at different times. Jim Davies makes a good case for taking the date back to 1789 to 1803. Before Wilson, Lysander Spooner thought that the Constitution was a dead duck. Certainly Lincoln inflicted mortal wounds on the Constitution from which it could not recover, if it were not already dead.

We can now see, with the benefit of history, that the Constitution would, in time, lapse into mere form. Eventually, for even the most lenient medical examiner who thinks it still has a breath of life, it will expire altogether, and for many Americans and for most practical purposes, it already has expired, as both Bush 2 and Obama have made clear.

The War Between the States extended and heightened regressive, repressive, oppressive, and tyrannical political and social processes that had been instituted earlier. These are being realized and amplified as time passes. The federal government still rules by guns, fear, threats, and prisons. These cower the people. Progress in America is running backwards. This is the result of killing the Constitution and replacing it with a federal government that is the final judge of its own powers.
0

March27th
What Did the Supremacy Clause Mean?
Tom Woods

That poor soul from the other day who insisted Lincoln never said that blacks shouldn't be voters or jurors, or intermarry with white people, or that he had no intention to interfere with slavery where it existed, still thinks the Constitution's Supremacy Clause makes state nullification unconstitutional.

The Supremacy Clause merely begs the question. It reads, "This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof…shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding."

"Grand Old Partisan" takes this to mean:

"This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, plus any old laws, whether or not in pursuance of the Constitution… shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding."

In other words, he accepts the interpretation current in American law schools. I do not intend this as a compliment.

Here's what the people were told it meant at the state ratifying conventions, which is what matters. (I'll be a sport and not even mention the proto-nullification arguments made at the Virginia Ratifying Convention, which settle the argument, though you can get the story in my Nullification or in Kevin Gutzman's James Madison and the Making of America.)

Alexander Hamilton, at New York's convention: "I maintain that the word supreme imports no more than this ­ that the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, cannot be controlled or defeated by any other law. The acts of the United States, therefore, will be absolutely obligatory as to all the proper objects and powers of the general government…but the laws of Congress are restricted to a certain sphere, and when they depart from this sphere, they are no longer supreme or binding" (emphasis added).

In Federalist #33, Hamilton added: "It will not, I presume, have escaped observation that it expressly confines this supremacy to laws made pursuant to the Constitution…."

Thomas McKean, at the Pennsylvania convention: "The meaning [of the Supremacy Clause] which appears to be plain and well expressed is simply this, that Congress have the power of making laws upon any subject over which the proposed plan gives them a jurisdiction, and that those laws, thus made in pursuance of the Constitution, shall be binding upon the states" (emphasis added).

James Iredell, at the First North Carolina convention: "When Congress passes a law consistent with the Constitution, it is to be binding on the people. If Congress, under pretense of executing one power, should, in fact, usurp another, they will violate the Constitution."

For more on this, see Brion McClanahan's Founding Fathers Guide to the Constitution.

http://www.tomwoods.com/blog/what-did-the-supremacy-clause-mean/
0


New post on ACGR's "News with Attitude"

War on U.S. homeschoolers escalates

by Harold

Bob Unruh, World Net Daily 3/27/2012 State can snatch kids thanks to Supreme Court Justices on the U.S. Supreme Court, caught up in the high-profile Obamacare arguments that started today, have refused to intervene in a case where deputies threatened parents with the forced removal of their children unless they agreed to let social workers, [...]

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What Everyone Needs To Know About The Smear Campaign Against Trayvon
Martin (1995-2012)
By Judd Legum posted from ThinkProgress Justice on Mar 26, 2012 at 6:59 pm


Trayvon Martin, as he appeared on his actual Facebook page

Over the last 48 hours, there has been a sustained effort to smear
Trayvon Martin, the 17-year old African-American who was shot dead by
George Zimmerman a month ago. Martin's mother, Sybrina Fulton, said,
"They killed my son, now they're trying to kill his reputation."

Thus far these attacks have fallen into two categories: false and
irrelevant. Much of this leaked information seems intended to play
into stereotypes about young African-American males. Here's what
everyone should know:

1. Prominent conservative websites published fake photos of Martin.
Twitchy, a new website run by prominent conservative blogger Michelle
Malkin, promoted a photo — purportedly from Martin's Facebook page —
that shows Martin in saggy pants and flipping the bird. The photo,
which spread quickly on conservative websites and Twitter, is intended
to paint Martin as a thug. As Twitchy later acknowledged, it is not a
photo of Trayvon Martin. [Examiner]

2. The Sanford Police selectively leaked irrelevant, negative
information about Martin. The authorities told the Orlando Sentinel
this morning that Trayvon was suspended from school for ten days
"after being found with an empty marijuana baggie." There is no
evidence that Martin was under the influence of drugs at the time of
his death, nor would prior possession of marijuana be a reason for
killing him. It's unclear what the relevance of the leak was, other
than to smear Martin. [Orlando Sentinel]

3. On Fox News, Geraldo said that Martin was dressed "like a wannabe
gangster." Bill O'Reilly agreed with him. The sole evidence is that
Martin was wearing a hoodie. Geraldo added that "everyone that ever
stuck up a convenience store" was wearing a hoodie. [ThinkProgress;
The Blaze]

4. Without any evidence, prominent right-wing bloggers suggested that
Martin was a drug dealer. Right-wing blogger Dan Riehl advances the
theory, also advanced in a widely linked peice on a site called
Wagist. There does not appear to be any evidence to support this claim
whatsoever. [Riehl World View]

5. Without any evidence, a right-wing columnist alleged that Martin
assaulted a bus driver. Unlike Zimmerman, Trayvon has no documented
history of violence. This allegation continues to be advanced by a
blogger on the Examiner even after the real reason was leaked to the
police and confirmed by the family. [Miami Herald; Examiner]

6. Zimmerman's friend says Martin was to blame because he was
disrespectful to Zimmerman. Zimmerman's friend Joe Oliver said that
Martin would not have been shot to death if Trayvon had just said "I'm
staying with my parents." Of course, Zimmerman was not a police
officer, and Trayvon had no duty to tell him who he was or where he
was going. [NBC News]


The final part of the effort to smear Trayvon Martin is to link him
and his supporters to irresponsible fringe groups like the New Black
Panthers and marginal provocateurs like Louis Farrakhan. Threats by
these groups are serious and should be investigated, but they have
nothing to do with Martin or his supporters. The leader of the effort
to associate Martin with these groups is Matt Drudge. You can see how
he is framing the story today here.

Ultimately, whether Martin was a perfect person is irrelevant to
whether Zimmerman's conduct that night was justified. Clearly, there
are two different versions of the events that transpired on February
26, the night Trayvon was killed. There are conflicting statements by
witnesses and conflicting evidence as to who was the aggressor.
Zimmerman has the right to tell his side of the story. But his
opportunity to do this will come in a court of law after he is charged
and arrested. In the meantime, Zimmerman's supporters should stop
trying to smear the reputation of a dead, 17-year-old boy.

__._,_.___

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A Lot of Gas
by Elizabeth Kolbert
April 2, 2012 inShare9 Print E-Mail Single Page Related Links
Ask the Author: Join a live chat with Elizabeth Kolbert about gas
prices on Monday, March 26th, at 3 P.M. E.T. Keywords

Gas Prices; Oil; Energy; (Pres.) Barack Obama; Mitt Romney; 2012
Election; Election Campaigns

Last week, Mitt Romney, who, it now seems, is going to become the
Republican nominee whether anybody likes it or not, called on
President Barack Obama to fire three of his Cabinet members: the
Energy Secretary, Steven Chu; the Interior Secretary, Ken Salazar; and
the head of the Environmental Protection Agency, Lisa Jackson.
According to Romney, the three have spent the past few years carrying
out a not-so-secret plan to raise the price of gasoline at the pump.
Only by firing the "gas-tax trio," Romney told Fox News, can the
President demonstrate that he did not approve of this plan. "Time for
them to go," Romney said.

Romney's remarks came just days after Louisiana's governor, Bobby
Jindal, also on Fox, accused the Administration of driving up the cost
of gas in the service of its "radical" agenda. "The reality is,
gasoline prices have doubled under this President—highest prices for
oil and gasoline in a hundred and fifty years," Jindal said. "People
used to think it was because of incompetence from the Obama
Administration on energy. I think it's because of ideology." (As far
as "reality" goes, Jindal's characterization of gas prices is
inaccurate; they were higher in 2008, under President George W. Bush.)
Romney and Jindal, meanwhile, were echoing comments made by Newt
Gingrich, who accused the President of adhering to a "radical
ideology, which wants to artificially raise the cost of energy." And
Gingrich was following Rick Santorum, who, back in February, declared
that Obama's energy policies are based on a "phony theology" that
"elevates the earth above man."

Like almost anything that the Republican candidates can manage to
agree on, the Obama Administration gas-price-hike conspiracy theory is
nearly a hundred-per-cent hokum. The fakery begins with the theory's
premise: that the President could, if he wanted to, reduce the price
of oil. Oil, as it is well known, is a global commodity traded on a
global market. Gasoline prices have risen—they are up roughly fifteen
per cent since the start of the year—mostly because demand is climbing
in countries like China and because instability in the Middle East has
prompted worries about supply. (Since sabre rattling on Iran tends to
increase those worries, candidates like Santorum, who calls the
Administration's policies toward Iran "appeasement," are almost
certainly aggravating the very situation they decry.)

But an idea doesn't have to be true, or even especially convincing, to
be politically effective, and nowadays it's the most rational policy
options that seem to have the hardest time getting heard. When it
comes to gas prices, it's been clear for, well, let's just say forever
that the cost of gasoline in America is actually too low. Cheap gas
generates sprawl and traffic. It discourages the use of mass transit
and the development of alternative fuels. It contributes to regional
smog and to global climate change. The easiest and most obvious
solution has long been to raise the federal gasoline tax, which now
stands at only 18.4 cents a gallon. Among economists, there's
widespread support for this idea, including from Greg Mankiw, a
Harvard professor who happens to be a top adviser to Romney. Writing
in the Times earlier this year, Mankiw observed, "Economists who have
added up all the externalities associated with driving conclude that a
tax exceeding $2 a gallon makes sense." He went on, "By taxing bad
things more, we could tax good things less."


from the issuecartoon banke-mail thisLast week, as the Republicans
continued to hammer away at the President on gas prices, he set off on
an energy-themed cross-country tour. (House Speaker John Boehner
dubbed it a "tour de farce.") The tour, which coincided with a
freakish March heat wave, included visits to a solar plant in Boulder
City, Nevada; an oil field in Maljamar, New Mexico; and the site of a
proposed pipeline in Cushing, Oklahoma. At each of these stops, Obama
touted what he has taken to calling his "all-of-the-above energy
strategy." He said that he favored more domestic oil production and
more solar-power installations, a cleaner environment and a stronger
economy. He made much of the fact that, under his watch, domestic
energy production has steadily increased and that enough new oil and
gas pipeline had been laid to "encircle the earth and then some."

"Since I took office, our dependence on foreign oil has gone down
every single year," the President said in Cushing. "Last year, we
imported one million fewer barrels per day than the year before."
Obama sounded, as he generally does, thoughtful and reasonable, and
the figures that he cited were, for the most part, accurate. Indeed,
as the Times reported last week, dependency on foreign oil has fallen
dramatically in recent years. But, in terms of what matters most, the
President's energy tour was a dispiriting affair. In the course of two
days, he made four speeches. The number of times he mentioned the
major impact of America's energy use—global warming—was zero. In
Oklahoma, he announced that he was expediting the construction of the
southern leg of the Keystone XL pipeline. The announcement made no
sense—except, perhaps, as political theatre. A few months ago, the
Administration refused to allow construction of the pipeline's
northern leg, precisely on the ground that Republicans were trying to
rush the permitting process. The whole point of the Keystone pipeline
is to transport more dirty oil from Canada's tar sands, which goes to
show that you can't be in favor of more pipelines and in favor of a
cleaner environment at the same time. A smorgasbord energy strategy
is, as Joe Romm observed recently on the blog Climate Progress, hardly
any strategy at all: "Just a year ago, 'all-of-the-above' was actually
a standard Republican talking point, so much so that Democrats
routinely mocked it."

What the country needs—and has always needed—is an energy policy that,
instead of pandering to Americans' sense of entitlement, would compel
us finally to change our ways. In addition to a phased-in increase in
the gas tax, it would include a comprehensive, economy-wide tax on
carbon, or, alternatively, a cap-and-trade system. As it turns out,
Mankiw isn't the only senior person in a Republican campaign to see
the importance of a new policy. When Romney was governor of
Massachusetts, he presided over the introduction of one of the
country's first cap-and-trade programs, for the six largest power
plants in the state. And in his book "No Apology" he wrote that
"higher energy prices would encourage energy efficiency." Perhaps,
once he secures the nomination, he can Etch A Sketch his way back to
reality, and challenge Obama to do the same. ♦

Read more http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2012/04/02/120402taco_talk_kolbert#ixzz1qKDop3xe

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Profiling
by Walter E. Williams

Right now, there isn't enough known about the circumstances surrounding the fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, a black, by George Zimmerman, a 28-year-old part-Hispanic, during his neighborhood watch tour in an Orlando, Fla., suburb. If evidence emerges that Zimmerman's actions were not justified, he should be prosecuted and punished; however, there's a larger issue that few people understand or have the courage to acknowledge, namely that black and young has become synonymous with crime and, hence, suspicion. To make that connection does not make one a racist. Let's look at it.

Twelve years ago, a black Washington, D.C., commissioner warned cabbies, most of whom were black, against picking up dangerous-looking passengers. She described "dangerous-looking" as a "young black guy ... with shirttail hanging down longer than his coat, baggy pants, unlaced tennis shoes." She also warned cabbies to stay away from low-income black neighborhoods. Did that make the D.C. commissioner a racist?

In some cities, such as St. Louis, black pizza deliverers have complained about having to deliver pizzas to certain black neighborhoods, including neighborhoods in which they live. Are they racists? The Rev. Jesse Jackson once remarked, "There is nothing more painful for me at this stage in my life than to walk down the street and hear footsteps and start thinking about robbery – (and) then look around and see somebody white and feel relieved." Does that make the reverend a racist?

The former Charleston, S.C., black chief of police, Reuben Greenberg, said the problem facing black America is not racial profiling. He said, "The greatest problem in the black community is the tolerance for high levels of criminality." Former Los Angeles black police Chief Bernard Parks, defending racial profiling, said: "It's not the fault of the police when they stop minority males or put them in jail. It's the fault of the minority males for committing the crime. In my mind, it is not a great revelation that if officers are looking for criminal activity, they're going to look at the kind of people who are listed on crime reports." Are former police Chiefs Greenberg and Parks racist?

According to the Uniform Crime Report for 2009, among people 18 or younger, blacks were charged with 58 percent of murder and non-negligent manslaughter, 67 percent of robberies, 42 percent of aggravated assaults and 43 percent of auto thefts. As for murder, more than 90 percent of the time, their victims were black. These statistics, showing a strong interconnection among race, youth and crime, are a far better explanation for racial profiling and suspicion than simple racism.

Black Americans have spoken out against racial profiling by police. They've been insulted by store personnel who might give them extra scrutiny. There's the insult of the sound of a car door being locked when a black approaches. It's insulting to have taxi drivers pass up a black person and pick up white people down the street. In a similar vein, I'm sure that a law-abiding Muslim is insulted when given extra scrutiny at airports or listening to Fox News reporter Juan Williams, who was fired by National Public Radio in 2010 for publicly saying that he gets nervous when he sees people on a plane with clothing that identifies them as Muslim. Blacks and Muslims who face the insults of being profiled might direct their anger toward those who've made blacks and crime synonymous and terrorism and Muslims synonymous.

God would never racially profile, because he knows everything, including who is a criminal or terrorist. We humans are not gods; therefore, we must often base our decisions on guesses and hunches. It turns out that easily observed physical characteristics, such as race, are highly interconnected with other characteristics less easily observed.

For most blacks to own up to the high crime rate among blacks is a source of considerable discomfort. Beyond that, it creates suspicions and resentment, which are destructive of good race relations, and it's devastating to the black community, which is its primary victim.

http://lewrockwell.com/williams-w/w-williams118.html
0

Democracy and Violence
by Butler Shaffer

Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard. -- H.L. Mencken

A staunchly-defended article of faith in Western political rhetoric is the belief that democratic governments do not engage in wars with one another. This belief has been promoted for the purpose of generating trust in the state. If political systems are democratically constituted, it is contended, the public need not fear government officials whose powers could be taken away by the same electoral process that put them in office. The American Civil War, wherein the democratically-established federal and confederate states warred with one another would seem to put this doctrine in doubt. As would a couple of 20th century skirmishes that pitted democratic states such as Great Britain and the United States and others against a democratic Germany.

Beyond this simplistic faith in a "social contract" theory of the state lies the reality that such systems have always been under the control of small groups of persons who are answerable to no one, particularly those they presume the authority to rule. "Democracy" is just one abstraction that the state owners have employed to distract the attention of their victims; to create in the minds of their subjects the illusion that they, not the owners, are running the system.

Believing that the state represents their interests, and that – through "democratic" processes - they control its direction and energies, most men and women identify themselves with that state. In this way, people and the state share the same "ego boundaries." When millions of people come together in this manner, it becomes easy for each to lose his or her individuality – and, hence, responsibility - in a collective identity. By engendering fear of others who share different ego-boundary identities, the state is able to mobilize "dark side" forces of the collective unconscious into a critical mass that allows the state to aggrandize its powers through violent, destructive means. Adolf Hitler used such methods to organize Germans against those he called non-Aryans. In the same way has the United States employed the specters of "communism," "drug-dealers," and "terrorism" to bamboozle its ego-boundary adherents into participating in its continuing war against life itself.

To anyone who makes a sincere effort to understand the nature of a supposedly democratic state, it is apparent that such a system rests on the flimsiest of foundations. People must be given the impression that, by voting, they are the show; they are steering the ship-of-state. But the corporate-state interests – the political establishment – that actually own the system, are not burdened by such delusions. The entire institutional order – including the state, major corporations, schools and universities, organized religions, and the mainstream media – share a common interest in keeping people subservient to their authority and control. At its most basic level – and as more of us have been learning of late – there are too many trillions of dollars of despoiled wealth, and too much power over the direction of human energy, to permit the establishment to allow preferences or even whims of ordinary people to upset institutional interests. In the words of Emma Goldman, "if voting changed anything, they'd make it illegal."

There is a growing awareness that the so-called "two-party" system in America is nothing more than a one-party system (the "establishment party") with two subsidiaries pursuing the same policies and purposes. This singularity is so widely accepted that the notion of "bipartisanship" is trumpeted as a civic virtue! Politicians are praised when they "come together," from "both sides of the aisle," to support the same governmental programs. For such reasons is Ron Paul labeled a "kook" for being the sole dissenter in a 434-1 congressional vote on some measure. How dare he reveal to the public that the political establishment depends upon the maintenance of a group-think mindset; that Republicans and Democrats – and even liberals and conservatives – are simply two wings of the same bird of prey. Far better that men and women not trouble their minds with the kinds of questions best left to the philosopher-kings whose judgments are to be trusted.

Our world is becoming increasingly decentralized, meaning that top-down social systems are becoming less and less relevant to how people live. Unrestrained violence, and the capacity and willingness to exercise it against any who inconvenience their interests, has become the hallmark of modern political systems. The perverted notion that bombing cities in foreign countries; destroying their cultures; and slaughtering hundreds of thousands of men, women and children in the process, is done in the name of advancing "democracy," is a further illustration of the symbiotic relationship between democracy and violence. The Iraqi mother who was quoted as warning her children against "the democracy men" tells us so much more than did our high school civics class teacher.

Nowhere is the imaginary nature of "democracy" made more evident than in the effort of people who, seeking alternative avenues of political expression, try to organize a third-party as a means of electing candidates to office who are not part of the plutocratic establishment. Republicans and Democrats – who want to monopolize how the political game is to be played – have legislated all sorts of hurdles and barricades to make it extremely difficult for third-party advocates to get on the ballot. When third parties do manage to get ballot access, those who run the presidential debate circus make certain these alternative candidates are not allowed to participate. The establishment media cooperates by consigning third-party candidates to debates with one another, to be shown at 3 a.m. on Sunday, or at equally dead times.

As a Republican running in the presidential primaries, Ron Paul created a dilemma for the establishment. How could he be left out of the debates when candidates with less popular support – but whose umbilical cords were firmly connected to the establishment – were allowed to participate? The solution was threefold: (1) keep Ron at the far end of the stage, (2) don't let him speak very much or at the same length of time as the others, and (3) have the media questioners ask Ron to respond to various non sequiturs and moronic inquiries. Each approach was designed for one purpose: to marginalize both his physical presence and his thinking.

An unintended consequence of such tactics is this: in insisting upon marginalizing Ron Paul, the Republican Party has ended up marginalizing itself. The Democrats can – at least when the Republicans are in power – make a pretense of being opposed to wars, spying upon Americans, regulating private behavior, and police state practices. But the Republicans – whether in or out of power – have shown a commitment to no principles or values that transcend politics. Their sole purpose is to capture and retain power as an end in itself. The GOP can now be characterized in the words that Gertrude Stein used to describe Oakland, California: "there's no there there."

A belief in the alleged "virtues" of democracy disguises another hidden contribution to violence in our world. "Majority rule" is not only a mindset that helps to define "democracy," but necessarily promotes social conflict because of its inherent tendency to set groups against one another (e.g., 51% overwhelming the 49%). The idea that group action could take place based upon a consensus [i.e.,100% agreement] of its members is so foreign to our institutionalized conditioning that we dismiss it as utopian. But there are societies (see, e.g., the Somalis) and communities in which groups will act only if all who are affected by the action agree. Political systems cannot act consensually, as their modus operandi depends upon creating – and then managing – conflicts among people.

The principle of "majority rule" tends to immobilize individual action. Once we get into the pattern of thinking that change cannot occur until at least 51% can be persuaded to accept it, our behavior becomes neutralized. We become discouraged by the thought of having to convince tens of millions of persons with whom we have no contact. Perhaps the most common response I get to my articles or talks takes the form of "I completely agree with you, but what can I do to change things?"

At this point, I often ask such persons if they have ever heard of Plato, Aristotle, Jesus, Leonardo da Vinci, Shakespeare, Dante, Newton, Darwin, et al. Did these men have to rely on convincing 51% of their neighbors before their contributions were recognized? And what about a man named Albert Einstein who, in his youth, rode fast moving trains that seemed to compress the images of buildings, and which later led him to develop relativity theory? What public opinion poll had to certify the worthiness of his ideas? More recently, individuals such as Bill Gates, Steve Jobs, Ayn Rand, Mark Zuckerberg, Julian Assange, and many others have used their individual, creative talents to influence and benefit hundreds of millions in ways that did not depend upon mass persuasion.

The frustrations that accompany the democratic mindset that change cannot occur until 51% are ready for it lead many to want to resort to violence as a shortcut to such change. The democratic process has proven itself to be a force for maintaining a status quo that serves the interests of established power, and if "working within the system" cannot effectively challenge such entrenched authority, many have taken to the streets in angry – but largely unfocused – reactions. But if the state is defined as an institution that enjoys a monopoly on the use of violence; and if the state can act only through violent means and, thus, becomes the principal vehicle for social conflict; how can moving away from organized violence be brought about by violent methods? The state wars against peace and liberty: how can these values be fostered by emulating the violent practices upon which all political systems rest?

As all political systems are grounded in the violent disrespect for individuals and their property interests, each of us is well-advised to keep peering behind the curtains with which the state hides its machinations. This is as true for democratic systems as for all other forms of forceful exploitation of the many for the benefit of the few. Perhaps the kindest assessment of democracy offered for thoughtful minds comes from H.L. Mencken, who observed that "Democracy is a pathetic belief in the collective wisdom of individual ignorance."

http://lewrockwell.com/shaffer/shaffer249.html